1 The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
2 I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminutionof zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
3 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea.
4 I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
5 The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
6 In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it.
7 Here, perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
8 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
9 The unity of Government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
10 For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.
11 But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.
12 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
13 While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
14 These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.
15 In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?
16 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government.
17 All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests.
18 However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
19 Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
20 I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.
21 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
22 The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.
23 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
24 It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
25 There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
26 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.
27 Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
28 It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?
29 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
30 As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
31 Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?
32 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.
33 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
34 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
35 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
36 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
37 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
38 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
39 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
40 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
41 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
42 Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
43 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
44 How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
45 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
46 After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
47 The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
48 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
49 The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
50 Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
51 Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers
By Padmini Arhant
Dear Mr. Vice President and Rep. Van Hollen,
Please accept my apologies for the delay in responding to your request. However, the required information sent on priority basis should be available prior to the deadline.
Enclosed please find the contribution and the survey completed with specific targets vital for immediate economic recovery and national progress.
I appreciate your kind remarks and the invitation to participate in the legislative affairs. I pledge my support to defend the policies benefiting the people of the United States of America as well as the global citizens.
Furthermore, I consider it’s really important for the incumbent and the prospective legislators to make a firm commitment to serve the people electing them to office and not become the proxies for the special interests. I reiterate the fact that despite millions of dollars in investments towards any political campaigns, the ultimate power lies with the electorate in a democracy.
Remaining content available @http://www.padminiarhant.com
Thank you.
Padmini Arhant
Summer's gone, school's back in. Holidays are around the bend. Yet change is on its inexorable path, waiting for no one. You've made an enormous impact, and the finish line for one historic change, health care reform, is in sight! Can you help make it the change you want to see?
You've all made thousands of calls, gotten your neighbors to sign tens of thousands declarations, you've sent thousands of emails. What did you achieve? For one, Sen. Maria Cantwell went from "no comment" on the public option, to public support for the public option. Sen. Patty Murray and many of our Representatives are also on board. Four of five committees have voted on a bill - and that has never, ever happened before.
Do you want to make sure they stand strong? The biggest hurdle is right up ahead. We expect the final of five committees, the Finance Committee, to vote on Tuesday. It could take a little longer - that seems to happen pretty often, right? But next is the full Senate and full House, then they have to reconcile their bills, then it's the final vote to send it to President Obama to sign.
You can imagine the bill you want will be signed. Go ahead. Imagine.
Hi FriendThere is a new group that just started on Facebook that I thought Organizing for America members may be interested in joining. Please see United Against Racism -
http://apps.facebook.com/causes/354956/80588439?m=9dc74a6eUnited Against Racism
posted by David Apperson
People often forget, either due to distractions, blinding cynicism or a lack of education, how unique this country really is. The United States of America is a nation forged and grounded in a rich tradition of protest and persistent refusal to accept the status quo. In many ways this tradition has been in hibernation--recent decades will never be known as the years of particularly impressive citizen participation in government and policy. Indeed, the American people have become increasingly apathetic and stupid, but I believe that the spirit has remained alive--in fact, I predict that the drive to change our most negative aspects of society is building momentum; isn't it obvious?Take the town halls on health care, for instance. Though CNN, FOX and MSNBC only cover the crazies, there is some remarkable dialogue going on--and not just by the supporters of health care. When it comes to the Public Option, there is a genuine philosophical debate to be had. Remember that the whole point of the American Revolution was to establish independence from an abusive and invasive government that taxed excessively and unfairly. We have come a long way since then, and have perhaps gone full-circle in many ways. I share many Libertarian concerns of the expansion of the U.S. government, excessive spending and the limitations placed upon civil liberties; not to mention our often tyrannical foreign policies. Indeed, the United States became the very empire its citizens died to defeat. People think I'm a big gov liberal, but the fact of the matter is that the federal government IS WAY TOO BIG! The War on Drugs is a fiscal and societal disaster, the Iraq and Afghanistan wars are squandering our treasure. The IRS ought to be torn down and replaced with a simpler tax code, and the Patriot Act ought to make every single American extremely wary of what leaders know about our personal lives. Not to mention the militarization of government that has seeped into the media and saturated our culture. So when people say to me: "I just don't believe the federal government should expand! It's already too massive" I agree! The problem is that in this modern world, there are modern problems that require state intervention. Spying on Americans is not one of these exceptions. Drug abuse isn't either. Nor is Saddam Hussein or Ho Chi Minh! But to the people who believe the Public Option is some kind of government takeover and the onset of communism: should we not fight to end the excessive federal policies that actually hurtpeople? The War on Drugs fuels a culture of crime in the inner-cities. At least a million Iraqi citizens are dead because of the current conflict--not to mention the 4,339 dead American soldiers. But now you oppose a public health plan? A plan that will help your fellow citizens get the care they need? A report by the Institute of Medicine suggests that as many as 22,000 American citizens die annually due to the lack of an insurance policy--one that either could not be afforded or was cut by employers!And let us not forget that the Public Option is an OPTION! While the true Left wing of this USA would really like a single-payer system, it is simply not going to happen with this legislation. Big Insurance is the most powerful lobby in Washington, and certainly has great influence on the bill--in other words, the argument that people will be forced to take the government plan is bullshit. The truth of the matter is that most people will keep their private plans; plans, by the way, made more consumer-friendly due to other reforms that will be in the final legislation (including the preexisting condition issue and the ability to choose your own doctors).Though this is an expansion of government services, I want to tell you how the Public Plan is actually more economical and sustainable than the current system. You see, being private enterprise, Big Insurance seeks to charge as much as possible while providing as little as possible. I have no problem with capitalism (I am a Capitalist), but this is the reality of the basic operations of a firm. While this is perfectly acceptable in most sectors, health care is an entirely different beast. Since 2000, insurance premiums have nearly doubled! In 2007, the U.S. spent about $2.2 trillion on health care,* which comes out to approximately 16.2% of GDP--nearly twice the amount of the rest of the developed world! ** If you aren't worried yet, then you have read these numbers: by 2025, costs are expected to rise 25%; by 2082, 49% ! *** Oh, and did you realize that every GM vehicle is $1,525 more expensive because of employer-based health care coverage? Insurance is by far GM's biggest expenditure--even more than steel! ****And the numbers go on and on. This is the financial argument, and it is all tied to the Big Insurance practice of driving up costs for higher profit margins, and making up for their clunky and inefficient administrative costs. Medicare costs are skyrocketing because they are subsidizing these inflating premiums, and this must be replaced. The Public Option must establish a much simpler and transparent system that injects competition into this stale and unsustainable market. It is fiscally sensical and it is moral.But just any Public Option will not do. Next week I will tackle the question of "what must a Public Option look like in order to drive competition and cut costs?"Absorb it, discuss it, and hopefully support it. Leave your comments below.*Office of the Actuary, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, National Health Expenditure Data for 2007. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, available at: http://www.cms. hhs.gov/NationalHealthExpendData/02_NationalHealthAccountsHistorical.asp#TopOfPage**Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. OECD Health Data 2008.***P.R. Orszag, Growth in Health Care Costs: Statement Before the Committee on the Budget, United States Senate, (Washington, DC: Congressional Budget Office, Jan 31 2008), available at http://www.cbo.gov/doc.cfm?index=8948****R. Wagoner, Testimony before the House Financial Services Committee, December 5, 2008.http://thinkprogress.org/2008/12/05/gm-health-care-reform/my blog: http://www.theskyewire.com
Denison University 2011
*Office of the Actuary, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, National Health Expenditure Data for 2007. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, available at: http://www.cms. hhs.gov/NationalHealthExpendData/02_NationalHealthAccountsHistorical.asp#TopOfPage **Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. OECD Health Data 2008. ***P.R. Orszag, Growth in Health Care Costs: Statement Before the Committee on the Budget, United States Senate, (Washington, DC: Congressional Budget Office, Jan 31 2008), available at http://www.cbo.gov/doc.cfm?index=8948 ****R. Wagoner, Testimony before the House Financial Services Committee, December 5, 2008. http://thinkprogress.org/2008/12/05/gm-health-care-reform/
What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character than giving our all to a difficult task.
As President Obama recently related to me regarding local service; "Now is our time to work together, reaffirm our enduring spirit, and choose our better history."
It is our responsibility as Americans to vote, and vote we must. And now is the time to prepare for the next election. I invite all citizens of Washington to post a message on the Washington Election Blog.
Washington Election Blogwashington-election.blogspot.com
Thursday, June 25, 2009
Join thousands of Americans at the largest health care rally in history!
Limited FREE buses
Meet at 5:30 AM at Union Square; leave at 6 AM
Back at 9:30 PM
RSVP to Naomi.Rothwell2@gmail.com
www.healthcare09.org
MyBo link: http://tinyurl.com/lwappy
Facebook: http://tinyurl.com/m8bv64
2010 Year of the Bible by Paul Broun AP/Photo
Happy New Year of The Bible 2010 by Paul Broun
On our countdown to a new year in 2010, Paul Broun (R-Ga.) wants everyone to ring in the “Year of the Bible”. He wants to pass legislation to honor the good book. Opposition is strong in the Democratic party, but whats the big deal? We’re already burning them suckers in Afghanistan. I wrote a post about it, and got negative feedback from every dem, saying I’m a GOP’r in disguise. In fact, I’m just a student pointing out similarities between different governments past and present. That isn’t choosing sides at all. When people see a political blog, they are automatically trying to figure out what party I am affiliated with. None. Well, whoever decides to pay me the most. Just kidding(That’s illegal for all you kids out there, no selling votes.) Sorry for ranting but I’ve been enraged at some of my readers that just don’t get the whole picture. Someone said I’m a Christian that hates America. No, I’m a Christian that loves America; the thought of America more like it. It used to stand for something, and all I see and read is how far it has gone from what our forefathers set forth to achieve. I am not ashamed of being an American. Our differences are what makes this country unique. I say instead of the “Year of the Bible”, we just go with the Chinese astrology and name it after an animal. Or we can ring in the New Year as a world united. All across Washington people are joking about what year its going to be after that. Year of the encyclopedia? Quran? Las Vegas escort Pamphlets? Whatever the year, I’ll be ringing it in with a smile, knowing I’m in a country that spends too much time on a stupid idea. Hey Paul Broun, think of a way to get your ass back to work on important things.
During the first 100 days of the Obama presidency we have seen outstanding leadership in tackling the many issues facing our great nation. And it seems that overwhelming poll numbers indicate that America agrees with President Obama. see THE WHITE HOUSEThe question remains; What can we as fellow Americans do to help our neighbors and countrymen? Included are nine things you can do to help the President celebrate his first 100 Days in office:1. Donate unused suits to the Salvation Army2. Donate time to Americorps3. Donate toys for children at Toys for Tots4. Donate blood at the Red Cross5. Donate a can of food each week to a Local Shelter or Food Pantry6. Donate money to Save the Children7. Donate time at local a Veterans Hospital8. Donate an hour a day to your Child9. Donate to the Make a Wish FoundationParticipation is greatly appreciated. What you do for the least of our brethren, you do for yourself -http://donate.barackobama.com/page/community/post/president/gGxWJh
Barack Obama First 100 Days posted by David Apperson
Stimulus Bill negotiations reveals want Conservative are really troubled by. They say “to much wasteful spending” is the problem, here’s their idea of wasteful spending; education, infrastructure and not enough tax cuts. Really, education is wasteful?
No the problem with conservatives is the idea of educational reform. Given the fact that, for centuries myths have been maintained which say, African American children can’t learn as quickly as other ethnic groups, based on the idea of poverty. Providing funding to improve the ideological structure and system of education would finally dismantle this belief, which was created solely for the purpose of maintaining the idea of superiority.
Infrastructure would provide jobs for all Americans; there goes poverty levels. With this happening, myths that portray African Americans as “not wanting to work” lacking skills and all other ridicules notions created throughout the centuries would dismantle. Tax cuts as we all know, benefit those in the highest tax bracket, no need to explain further.
The ultimate problem conservatives are having with the Stimulus Package is from Whom the Package comes. This reveals itself by the spins; “suit jackets should be worn in the Oval Office”, “his arrogance”, and so on…
Agreeing with this particular President is too painful for conservatives. Passing the Stimulus packet would be a form of agreement, if agreement is reached, realization would set in, this realization would force Conservatives to face society as it really is; changing.
Hi There Family,
Well, it’s no secret the last two years of my life have been working to support Barack's vision this election cycle. Actually, it started with the simple act of including an excerpt from his DNC keynote speech in our 2004 home-made holiday card. Since then, I've run myself ragged, and broke. Projects, visibility events, and networking, to the point of serious burnout. But, hey! Yes we did. It was all worth it. Laura & I met him in person during the primaries, and again during the general election, which really helped keep us revitalized. So anyway, you could have guessed there’d be a NEED to make the pilgrimage to the Inauguration.
My friend Ruthie and I drove to Baltimore, and took the first MARC train at 5:29 am to Union Station, a couple blocks from the Capitol. While we could see the Capitol in front of us, getting there was a huge case of "Can’t get there from here". Security herded all cattle through a circuitous and convoluted path, though tunnels, and down streets devoid of visible landmarks, to the back end of Independence Mall, which took about 90 minutes.
We didn’t have tickets, and we wound up about 20 people deep from the beginning railing of the ticketless part of the Mall, in the media area between MSNBC’s broadcast booth, and a bleecher full of camera crews and photographers. Many in our area passed the time going wild for MSNBC’s panning boom camera, cheering for Rachel Maddow, Keith Olberman, and Chris Matthews, and being interviewed by various news anchors in the field. CBS interviewed us.
The cold was significant, but not sobering or intollerable. The wait for Barack, on the other hand, was a bit trying. Yes, it was all beautiful, but the pomp and circumstance of announced grand entrances, the likes of the Seaside Ladies Auxillary, and the janitor’s wife’s second cousin of Mahlia Obama’s school, kinda had people groaning. Speaking of such, yes, one could expect boos at the mention of George Bush, but HOLY COW! It was an ocean of boos, which segued into a mighty contagious roar of the Steam hit "Na Na Hey Hey, Kiss Him Goodbye".
Barack’s address, was characteristically moving and touching. Once again putting ideas back on the table, vision back on the shelves, and making reason the special of the day. Once again the message was one of community, dignity, empowerment, "better angels", and transparency. But this speech went further into the territory of healing division, taking the charge out of the illusions of difference, and emphasizing the common threads that run through all people. Unity was in the air. The ever so faint ineffible tensions due to race seemed palpably eased.
When the event ended, Ruthie & I split to indulge personal walkabouts. I gradually worked my way past multiple barricades and inconsistent security, to the foot of Barack’s podium on the Capitol steps. I wanted to see and absorb the detail that I couldn’t from far out in the Mall. It was definately effecting. So were the apparent safety measures. Barack’s podium was surrounded by bulletproof glass, with a steel camera platform between the podium and the direct line of sight from the Mall. It was when I moved to take a picture leaning against the podium, when some very serious camouflaged guards and Secret Service personnel intervened, instructing me with volume that the area was "locked down".
Earlier, those who attended the Inauguration in the Mall, were informed they would not be allowed street access to attend the Inaugural Parade, that the route was full to capacity. However, from my vantage point on the Capitol steps, I was able to casually circumvent the security, and wound up 2nd person deep near the beginning of the parade route. Security around Barack’s limo was intense. His car was flanked on all sides by "dummy" limos, and open vehicles piled with Secret Service personnel, tensely scanning and peering piercingly into the crowd. Through the tinted windows, I could see Michelle Obama and the girls waving. Barack was not to be seen.
All in all, I must say, that while security was stern and inflexible, they were also professional and occasionally friendly. I did not observe a single "incident" all day. When you consider there were roughly two million people present, that really says something, something positive, about a very positive event.
As night fell, we had no invitations to any of the Inaugural Balls, and really, we didn’t need any. Ruthie and I met up in the Smithsonian for a light dinner, and headed home around 8:15 pm. Talking on the train, we decided that the whole contentious movie of the election process is over, and we’re now ready to actually get down to accomplishing good things. Barack seems, more than ever, an organic conduit of a progressive movement who’s time has finally come. Let’s get to it. Better days are at hand. Wishing you All Good Things.
All Fired Up & Ready To Go,
Greg
Train Ride to Hope(An Inauguration Day Poem)© J. Joy “Sistah Joy” Matthews Alford
A 7:30 A.M. train rideInaugurated by a commemorative fare cardBearing the likeness of a manWho believed in hope and changeMaybe the time had comeFor a nation whose yesterdaySpurned right at its own perilA nation that, despite dreams and visionsProclaimed before broad witness in light of dayRejected truth 'til civil disarray Dictated that only change could counter catastrophePerhaps this would be the train ride To usher that nationTo the dawn of a new day A sea of humanityLike ants, satellite images would depict dotsBlurred into huddles to become muddled massesI was proud to be one of the millionsKnowing I had neither ticket nor hope of Seeing anything more than jumbotrons I trudged onUnder the 3rd Street tunnelLoosing, early in the day, Beverly and Jayne, My comrades in armsBut I moved onThis is my hometown, I know this placePlacing phone calls of reassurance When intermittent phone service allowedI pressed onMoving from one undesignated Vantage point to anotherBoth the Blue Gate and the Silver Capital viewing areaWere inaccessibleBut how could they close The MallThe entire Mall? But my guardian angels were on it!Like the pride, yearning and desperate belief Of all who withstood the frigid coldEven the batteries of Chicky’s hand-held Neon orange radio knew not to fadeSylvia’s ungloved hand must have been frozen As she held the small prize just above our headsStanding behind me Jasmine asked if I could Move just a bit to the side So she too could hear We each prayed for a clear signalSylvia said a glove would restrict digital dexterityAs she deftly rotated the dial with precision Not chancing to miss a single word That would mark this moment in history So it was to beThis anointed neon orange electronic deviceClearly appointed by Divine providenceTo appear next to meWhether held in Sylvia’s hand or God’sDid the job of unseen jumbotrons The four of us fellowshipped and communedWe were from DC, Colorado and TexasSisters of different generations and racesSilently sharing tears as Aretha sangSharing hugs and hopes as we listenedTo introductions, oaths and speeches Believing the words we heardOn a small radio would take usBeyond Metro stops, Malls and trainsKnowing that on this day Hope had transported a people To a place where they believedThat the time for change had come
I usually don’t take Republican makeovers very seriously, as most have simply tried to re-hash some version of trickle-down, small government, Reaganomics. But the other night I was watching an infomercial by Mike Huckabee on Winning Back the Middle Class that seemed to focus on changing Washington politics as usual.
Isn’t that supposed to be Obama’s line?
Well, with two cabinet picks who have admitted to failing to pay taxes and only admitting to their tax liability “after” the nomination process had begun, and another withdrawing due to pay-to-play type accusations resulting in an indictment, ethics and undue influence in Washington may actually be an opening for the Republicans, particularly if Obama does not get REAL campaign finance done in his first term.
So what exactly is REAL campaign finance reform…the kind that doesn’t create additional loopholes for influence peddlers?
Publicly funded elections for all federal elections, and “reasonable” Supreme-Court-proof limits on the free speech of so-called independent groups like 527s so that they cannot run campaign ads for or against a candidate within 90 days of a primary or general election would be REAL campaign finance reform.
If Obama does not get this done in his first term, much of his change agenda could be thwarted by the handful of special interest groups that have dominated the agenda in Washington for quite some time. And as stated above, he could create an opening for the Republicans to portray him as a “change is only a slogan to drum up votes” type of candidate while Washington continues business as usual.
Such an appeal to ignore empty change rhetoric will resonate with the very swing voter that put Obama over the top in previously red states like CO, NV, NM, IN, OH, VA, FL, and NC. This is therefore a critical issue for Obama to pay close attention to if he wants to hang on to these voters.
With an 80% approval rating, NOW is the time for Obama to push for this kind of reform, as there are enough Democratic and Republican votes, especially if one vote meant they did not have to face reprisals from these same special interest groups in subsequent elections. Obama’s popularity will not always be this high, and if he waits until his popularity slips, it may be too late to get this done.
Let’s take money completely out of politics now!
-Metteyya Brahmana
The Republican governors have constituencies too, and while unemployment and bankruptcy, homelessness and insolvency are being cast as a national malaise, the states are the arenas wherein these sorrows are being acted out. State governors are anxious to get about the business of healing the masses and have no time for their Republican counterparts in Washington to stall over political squabbles and agendas designed to retard the progress of an aggressive, energetic president who happens to be a Democrat and... Black.
Voices no more unexpected in this turnabout of support include Bobby Jindal (NO) and Sarah Palin (AK). They are under pressure to get the money flowing in their states and are forced to appear in support of Barack Obama's efforts as they stand without further delay. It's an amusing alliance of opposing platforms made all the more absurd by a recent statement from Governor Jindal who said he'd probably vote against the bill if he was in Congress, but as a governor he want's to see it pass, and soon. This from a man who may be one of the front- running challengers to the Obama Kingship in 2012.
Everyday, the list of the unemployed grows longer and sooner or later, Congress is going to have to put aside their political differences and get busy. The last thing the Republicans want is Barack Obama growing a halo over his head while the economy begins to turn around. 2012 looms in the not-too-distant future as their chance to avenge their loss of 2004. The priorty of money and jobs may just cloud their vision of victory in the midterms and in 2012 and that's a good thing for a president who needs re-election more than any other in history.
A loss in 2012 sends the wrong message to America and the world about a black man working the White House. It will forever tarnish a great historical moment with the asterisk of one-term presidency which is never easy to overcome. It's never too early to stay involved.
BH
The economic crisis seems negotiable in favor of what apparently was a more pressing agenda to make sure President Obama didn't get the bi- partisan support his change initiative sought during the campaign. It may be premature to speculate on a hidden agenda at this point, but that's all the more reason to turn up the awareness and think about 2012. Jimmy Carter and George Bush 1 would have a lot to teach the Obama machine and the Democratic Party.
Not only is it of dire importance to keep the the Democratic momentum going in the coming congressional elections, but to make sure the nuts and bolts are in place for another Obama victory in 2012. Given the extra effort Black Americans have always had to bring to their jobs, nothing short of a victory for Obama in 2012 will serve to validate this election and make the country safe for more African-American presidents down the line.
Hopefully, in future considerations concerning the economy or other pressing issues, the Republican Party will concern itself more with people in need than with avenging their painful loss of 2008. All it takes is the right candidate, a war that won't go away, and an economy that just won't rebound. I would not put it past the Republicans to viscerate this historical moment by continuing to block vote against Obama's bills and initiatives. It's never to early to get involved.
Never as any one person created such a feeling of hope and joy as was created on election night by Barack Obama. Armed with pots, pans, a snare drum and a trumpet, four of my fiends and I set off for Red Square on the University of Washington campus in Seattle. When we got there, we found it was surprisingly empty. Despite having no audience, we got together, played the national anthem as best we could with the instruments at our disposal and then continued off to cheer through campus. As we reached the road to head home, we noticed a few block up a massive group of people, hundreds of college students large running towards the heart of campus. We realized then we had no choice but to follow them in celebration. We ran, beating out pots and pans, setting off cheers of yes we can and O-BA-MA. We once again reached Red Square, running through the now 500 people where were there, and while standing in front of the gothic style library’s stairs, started to sing. Starting as just a small murmur, we began to play the national anthem once again, my friend with the trumpet playing the melody, us the percussion. Soon, all 500 people were singing with us in the most moving rendition of the Star Spangled Banner I’ve ever heard.
After we finished, people started to run towards one of the near by bridges. We had no idea where they were going but decided that, once again, we had to follow. Because we were the only people setting a driving beat (unfortunately, in all of the confusion, we got separated from our trumpeter friend, leaving us four “percussionists”) we ended up leading the march to some unknown location. We crossed the university bridge, now blocking traffic in the south bound direction, slowing north bound traffic as busses, taxies and cars all slowed down to cheer for our march. As we began to talk to those around us, still beating our pots with spoons, we learned we were heading to capital hill, a total of four miles away. By now I had broken my spoon (twice) and was beating my pot with a large stick my friend had found on the side of the road. Our arms and voices were tired, but we had to continue. The crowd continued to respond to out beat, with more “yes we can”, “Yes we did” and “O-BA-MA.” People poured out of their houses and the local bars, joining us in our celebratory march. The realization that just a few decades ago marches of this magnitude occurred to end segregation had turned into the celebration of the election of the first African American president was an incredible feeling.
Finally, after much singing and marching, we reached out destination: 500 more screaming Obama fans in the heart of capital hill. My three friends and I formed a single-file line and snaked through the supporters, continuing the chanting until we reached the center, leading about 1000 people in the happiest celebratory mob in history. Wine and champagne flowed freely and fireworks filled the sky (all while the wonderfully understanding Seattle Police Department blocked the road and allowed us to celebrate). After much singing, we finally decided at 1:30 it was time to head home (as it was a school night). This decision was met by a random stranger offering us a full bottle of wine to stay, expressing that we were the backbone of the celebration. We kindly declined and with smiles on our faces, started the trek home, still beating out pots and pans, still causing cheers from anyone near us. Luckily, another friend of mine who hadn’t joined us came to pick us up so we wouldn’t have to make the long trek home at 1:30am.
I can honestly say I’ve never felt happier in my entire life. The next morning, my entire body hurt. I could barely walk or lift my arms my muscles were so sore. But it was entirely worth it. I would repeat everything if given the chance.
This is a fantastic tribute to President Obama's Inaugural Speech! Click on below and
spread the word.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pAdA636rxfw
So I'm at a UMBC basketball game on Saturday night January 17th and I get this phone call from a friend in the Inaugural Committee. He asks me if I want to go to the concert, says he has a staff pass for me. I'm like: totally dude! So we make arrangements for me to come to his house at 8am on Sunday to get the pass.
8am Sunday...the phone rings "Where are you?" he asks. Oops, I overslept. "Well get you butt to DC now if you are not here by 1pm somebody else will use the pass." So I quickly dress and head down - driving, mind you. As I get closer, he tells me he wants me to meet another staffer at his house.
This guy is in a meeting and suggests by text that I park in Union Station and wait for him there, where it is warm. I find the station and find a parking spot. It is now 10:30 and we are supposed to meet at 12:30, with the concert starting at 2pm.
I read the paper and finally get some lunch. I text'd him again and he says he'll be there soon. I'm starting to get worried then I get a call and he says "Wave your hands!" and I do, and he comes over. Adrienne is his name. He introduces me to Dan who he says will escort me to the event. It turns out that I could not use the staff pass because it required matching hard creds, so they are holding a volunteer pass for me at the gate.
After an unepectedly long train ride we arrive on 23rd. We are supposed to meet at 23rd and Constitution, so we are running to make it. The mags were going to close! We get there, and there is no pass. Dan has 2 blackberries going at the same time but we can't get in touch with this person who has the pass.
Dan finallyl goes through security in the press/Congressional entry point to find her. At 1:59 he hands the pass to me through the gate. As I start to enter, a cop says "Sorry, we are shut down!" I looked at him and said "Please, I've been waiting here for a long time!" A woman cop agrees, and the cop says "GO!" The woman cop helped tie the pass to my hoodie, she was so nice!
I go through the mag as the National Anthem is starting to be played.
Wow. My heart was pounding. What if I'd not been able to get in?
So I go up and ask a security person where I can go. They looked at my pass and said "Anywhere you want but the Podium."
So I went to the Congressional Seating Area and stood with some press and Secret Service who were guarding the Congresspeople. About 150 feet from the stage!
The concert was amazing. Lots of celebrities giving speeches. U2 and Bono - WOW! Stevie Wonder, Shakira and Usher! I bought a T shirt with all the performers on the back, and my I HEART PRESIDENT OBAMA hat.
I was able to make my way back on the subway with no problem. I ended up using the same trains for the swearing in, so this was good practice.
A special thanks to PIC 2009 and Michael, Dan and Adrienne. You guys all rock!
Pictures are on Facebook:
http://www.facebook.com/album.php?aid=15943&id=1189561977&saved
