“Our generation's response to this challenge will be judged by history, for if we fail to meet it -- boldly, swiftly, and together -- we risk consigning future generations to an irreversible catastrophe.”-President Barack Obama, September 22, 2009
"Climate change is a clear and present danger to our world that demands immediate attention. The United States is fully engaged and ready to lead and determined to make up for lost time, both at home and abroad."
-Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, April 27, 2009
Climate Change is one of the greatest threats facing our planet, and the United States is taking significant action to meet this challenge. Under President Obama, the U.S. has done more to reduce greenhouse gas emissions than ever before, and is demonstrating its commitment to lead through robust domestic action including historic investments in clean energy, stringent vehicle and appliance efficiency standards, and comprehensive clean energy and climate legislation that is making its way through Congress.
Stay Connected
Get involved today and join the discussion on the Copenhagen Climate Conference. Through Facebook or Twitter talk with your friends and others about the issues being discussed at this year’s conference. Join the discussion today.
http://www.cop15.state.gov/
http://www.google.com/landing/cop15/showyourvote.html
Tomorrow, Thanksgiving Day, Victims all over the world, let Pray to The God. Thank him for standing on the Right, Just and Fair.The God hears our crying, supports us, helps us.Tomorrow, I will thank the God -- for all the wisdom, courage, help, support, and love he has brought into my life.Tomorrow, I will also thank those who have concerned our suffering and have tried to help us -- for all the wisdom, courage, help, support and love they has brought into my life.We are from different countries, different cultures, different religions, different races, different families..........We reflect great diversity on the earth.But we have common thread that we can share.The God lets everyone on the earth live together here, coexistence and prosperity!!The God lets victims work together, help each other.So in this season of thanks giving, let pray The God together.Let us express our gratitude to The God, to Everyone, and pray for a bright future we are creating together.Yours Sincerely,SoleilmavisVideo: God helped mind control victim
http://peacepink.ning.com/video/god-helped-mind-control-victim The Bible--Proverbshttp://peacepink.ning.com/notes/index/show?noteKey=God_Bans_Mind_Control%2FDEW_weapons_abuses_and_tortures
http://www.america.gov/st/peacesec-english/2009/November/20091120113847dmslahrellek0.1855127.html
Washington — The state visit of Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is seen by the Obama administration as a new beginning for U.S.-India relations and a window to work on pressing issues, a senior U.S. diplomat says.
“This visit will be the first state visit of the administration and will highlight the strong and growing strategic partnership between the United States and India, and the friendship between the American and Indian people,” White House press secretary Robert Gibbs said in a recent prepared statement. “During the visit, the two leaders are expected to discuss a range of global, regional and bilateral issues of shared interest and common concern.”
The two leaders, who will meet at the White House November 24, will also likely review progress made in the strategic dialogue announced by Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton during a visit to New Delhi in July, Gibbs said.
At a Washington Foreign Press Center briefing November 18, Assistant Secretary of State Robert Blake said the United States believes India has a role to play as a strong U.S. ally and partner across a range of global challenges, from economic dislocation to energy security, climate change, the spread of deadly weapons and terrorism.
“Both countries feel that we have a significant opportunity now to take our strategic partnership to the next level,” Blake said. Singh and the Congress Party won recent national elections in May, which gave them a strong mandate to proceed with the prime minister’s agenda, he added.
Blake, who is assistant secretary for South and Central Asian affairs, said the U.S.-India relationship is based on five pillars beginning with strategic cooperation that includes arms sales, joint military exercises and joint military cooperation in combating maritime piracy off the coast of Somalia in the Gulf of Aden.
In March the Obama administration approved a $2.1 billion sale of eight P-8I maritime reconnaissance aircraft to India — the largest U.S. arms transfer to India to date, according to news reports. In January 2008 the United States sold six C-130J Super Hercules military cargo planes to India valued at $1 billion.
“There are significant new sales on the horizon, up to $18 billion worth of contracts, for which American companies are competing,” Blake said. Part of that sale includes 126 multi-role fighter jets worth $10.4 billion.
The second strategic area of cooperation between the United States and India is in counterterrorism. “Our cooperation has expanded considerably after the terrible attacks in Mumbai of last November [2008],” he said.
Another area of strategic cooperation is in nonproliferation of the world’s most deadly weapons. “There is now much greater cooperation as a result of the [2008] civil nuclear deal,” Blake said. “And increasingly now, we see India as a partner in global nonproliferation initiatives.”
The second pillar of the U.S.-India relationship is that of energy and climate change. With the Copenhagen international climate change conference now less than a month away, this has become a major focus of the president, Blake said. India currently emits about 4 percent of the world’s greenhouse gases, he said, making it the fifth largest global emitter. It is expected that as India’s industries expand, those emissions will rise by 50 percent over the next 20 years.
“It’s very important that India be part of this new agreement,” Blake said.
Blake said the United States remains committed to fully implementing the nuclear agreement signed last year. The U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Agreement eases restrictions on U.S. nuclear exports to India and opens up a potential $150 billion market in electricity generation. An important step to be taken by the Indian government and the parliament is to pass liability legislation, he said.
A third pillar is in economics, trade and agriculture, Blake said. Two-way trade with India was about $5 billion in 1990, rose to $14 billion in 2000 and reached nearly $50 billion in 2008, according to U.S. trade statistics.
“We expect that growth to continue into the foreseeable future as India’s middle class continues to grow and as India’s economy continues to open up,” Blake said. “U.S. investment also has grown very quickly, and now totals about $18 billion.”
Two other pillars of cooperation include education, and science and technology, Blake said. In July Clinton signed an agreement with Indian officials creating a $30 million science and technology endowment to be used for joint research and development, innovation, and commercialization.
The Indian parliament is expected to open up the higher education sector in India to greater foreign investment, Blake said.
"Well, we have come to call each other Barack and Yukio," said Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama of Japan in a joint press conference after the first meetings of President Obama's trip to Asia.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8357561.stm
President Barack Obama and Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama have agreed on the need to renew their two countries' strained alliance.
Mr Obama told reporters after talks in Tokyo that their bond was based on shared values and interests but should be renewed for the 21st Century.
Mr Hatoyama said that, after 50 years, the alliance had to adapt to change.
Mr Obama's first Asian tour as US leader is aimed at reassuring key allies and boosting economic growth.
He has called for a growth strategy "that is both balanced and broadly shared".
His eight-day tour will take him to Singapore, China and South Korea and includes an Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (Apec) summit.
http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2009/11/13/united-states-and-asia-inextricably-linked
Wednesday, October 14, 2009Photos of protests: http://peacepink.ning.com/photo/albums/rally-or-demonstrationOct. 14 Protest: Reports from the Front
Here are the reports of the IAACEA (International Alliance Against Covert Electronic Abuse) October 14th Global T.I. Protests for Truth and Justice.
Starting with IAACEA creator, Debbie Newhook reports on the Victoria, Canada protest. Then on to reports two from San Francisco (Bruno Marchisani, Mesha Monge-Irizarry, and Christine), two from Toronto (by Helen Galina Kurdina and Danielle DiBari) and London (by Paolo Fiori). Paolo did a tremendous amount of work to get the word spread about the protest in the UK. Then move on to T. Josephine's concise Philadelphia report at the end. I want to give kudos to T.Josepine for braving the cold and rain all alone. The reports finish up with final thoughts by Debbie Newhook. - Nancy aka mistaken.name, A Word the the Wise T.I.
ChinaBy Soleilmavis We have more than 500 victims daily being tortured and abused by remotely directed energy weapons. But we remain resolute and most of us work diligently to expose this crime on the Internet, and won't stop reporting this heinous to the Chinese government.
In China, as in the rest of the world, the official police position is that Targeted Individuals are mentally ill, so we cannot get permits to do street protests.However, we did promote the global protest via the Internet. We got nearly one hundred Targeted Individuals to publish the IAACEA press release on their own websites, along with the list of protest locations, and to send many letters to public.Here is our online site of supporting signatures:http://everywhere.zh.pledgebank.com/peacepink (in Chinese)http://www.change.org/actions/view/ban_mind_controldirected_energy_weapons_abuse_and_torturehttp://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=76416668535
Soleilmavis, PeacePinkhttp://peacepink.ning.com
WASHINGTON, USA REPORT By Marc Burnell Thought the protest went well. Weather wasn't the greatest. Kind of nervous with all the cops and undercover cops around. Ate alot of the chips and drank sodas I bought by a great donation from Cynthia. There were lots of tourists that stopped by and took pictires of the White House and us. Enjoyed talking to other TIs about their situation. Learning alot from other TIs about how to cope and different remedies to use to uplift myself.. Many of the TIs were form NY. We spoke to a freelance writer who took notes and took our pictures. We spoke with other human rights groups that were nearby. Handed out fliers.
SAN FRANCISCO, USA REPORTby Bruno Marchisani
SF Photos by Scott at OneWorldLove- you'll have to join to view
Yesterday, Wednesday, October 14, 2009, from 11:00am to 2:00pm, there was a civil protest against OS/EH at city hall in San Francisco, California, one of several being planned on or about that same day in several cities around the world, including Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Washington D.C., Cincinnati (meeting only), Victoria and Toronto in Canada, London, India (internet mailings) and China (internet mailings), as part of a global day of protest being organized by a newly formed TI activism group called the International Alliance Against Covert Electronic Abuse, www.iaacea.org. Debbie Newhook and Galina Kurdina in Canada, Soleilmavis in China and Derrick Robinson of FFCHS were some of the planners.
Christine Harris in SF was the contact person for the San Francisco protest, with Mesha Monge-Irizarry being a resource having had experience in protesting.Mesha is a non-TI activist Christine recently began networking with who among other things setup and moderated a forum to help organize the global protest.She has an office in San Francisco and apparently moderates 250 internet forums, one of them being the recently created Targeted_Individual s yahoo group. She is considering holding TI meetings at her office in San Francisco.
A possibility of rain was forecast but the weather was clear and mostly sunny. I counted 16 protesters being present, including Christine, Richard in Marin, many other TIs who I've met before, a few I hadn't met yet, Mesha, and Marlon Crump,writer for Poor Magazine who Christine has recently began networking with. Most had arrived within the first half hour of the 11:00am protest start time.
We originally planned to protest at the park across the street from city hall,to be respectful of city hall workers, but a police officer came by and said we needed a permit to protest in a public park, though he said this first time he'd allow it. He also indicated we could protest directly in front of city hall if we liked, so we moved our protest to the sidewalk in front of city hall.
There was a plethora of protest signs of various sizes, colors and styles: "stop group stakling," "stop organized stalking," "stop organized terror," "stop covert torture," "stop electronic harassment," "stop electronic torture," "stop electromagnetic weapons," "stop defamation of character now," "restore human liberties now," "stop residential directed energy attacks now IAACEA," "unforgivable! MKULTRA should never happen again," and "my family is victim of mind control program illegally run by the US gov agencies. Torture, mental rape, robbery -- the outcome of the Nazi experiment." Also I brought buttons with the FFCHS logo for us to wear.
The mood was positive if not festive, with us talking amongst ourselves, getting to know each other. Some of us had come from as far away as Modesto and Fresno,and for at least one of us this was our first time meeting with other TIs.
Foot traffic was light, even during the lunch hour, with some passers-by looking to see what our signs said. A few spoke with us to try to understand what we were protesting. Due to the relatively light foot traffic and us not being very aggressive at distributing handouts, we didn't distribute all that many.Handouts included one of the IAACEA press releases announcing the global protest, a letter from Missouri State Representative Jim Guest acknowledging the existence of OS/EH on many of the constituents in the country, a flyer on the book "A New Breed: Satellite Terrorism in America" by Dr. John Hall, who has treated patients suffering from the effects of OS/EH, a copy of an article entitled "Is the NSA Conducting Electronic Warfare On Americans?" regarding former NSA intelligence officer Russ Tice and the NSA's purported mind control technology, and a compilation of excerpts from Cheryl Welsh, FFCHS and H.Michael Sweeney.
Vehicular traffic on the other hand was ongoing, and heavier during the lunch hour. Some of us were lined along the edge of the sidewalk displaying our signs -- several drivers honked their horns and gave us the "thumbs up" in support!
At one point a reporter and cameraperson for an independent San Francisco internet video news group came by and did a brief interview with Christine and Mesha -- everybody felt they did a great job! Later on a CBS van parked across the street to cover a different event and Christine went over and gave them some handouts.
I spoke with several TIs at the protest. Christine says she is doing what she can to network to help end our harassment, a TI from Fresno says he is educating some of the people in Fresno on OS/EH, and another said God's message of love is the most important tool in counteracting our harassment. Marlon wanted everyone to know about his new, second, article on OS/EH, entitled "Targeted Individuals.
In my opinion the protest was certainly successful in terms of turnout -- this has been the largest turnout for any TI event in the San Francisco Bay Area I'm aware of and slightly exceed my expectations! Most of us stayed there until the 2:00pm protest end time, shortly after which we disbanded. I and at least a couple of others who were present took pictures of the event and I will be forwarding mine to Felix, a TI who plans to make a video of the global protests.President Obama was to be visiting San Francisco the following day and Christine along with some of yesterday's protesters planned to be present to gain more exposure.
Reports of some of the protests in the other locations have been posted. Debbie declared her protest a success in Victoria, Canada -- there were 5 TIs present -- they handed out about 400 flyers and were interviewed by a local university student -- later on heavy rainfall brought an end to their protest. There were 5 TIs present at Galina protest in Toronto, Canada -- they spoke with several people, some sympathetic, and handed out a few flyers -- after the main protest had ended and they had some coffee they decided to do a second impromptu protest at another location. An early report from London, England, indicated 5 TIs were present but more were expected. The Philadelphia protest apparently only had one protester show up, but none-the-less the protester remained and handed out flyers! The LA protest was postponed to next week due to a heavy storm and flooding. Nancy is posting the recaps of the protests at http://wiseti.blogspot.com and Mesha is considering doing a compilation on indymedia.org.
For questions about the protest please contact Christine directly.
Judy and I went to the Obama protest last night [Oct. 15th] at 5:00 P.M. to 7:00 P.M. at Powell Street and Geary Street, with over 1000 people. I brought my huge sign, and Russell Tice FBI fliers, and had many inquiries, and victims stopping to talk with us.
With the support of Judy, two reporters from cable channels 13, and 26, which may have been on T.V. last night at 10:00 P.M. stopped to interview me. I was brief, but stated our plight.
Three interviews in two days, I like it!!
Christine Harrischristinelynnharris@hotmail.com (415) 235-6466Bruno Marchesanibruno_marchesani@msn.com (650) 776-1814
SAN FRANCISCO, USA REPORTby Mesha Monge-Irizarry
We were a "crowd" of about 20 TIs & Allies with signs brought by Bruno, Richard,a Black Brother who came from Fresno (name?), Christine, the Kats Family, Judy ... Who am I forgetting? Among us, a Black Sister who is a college professor in Political Science in Oakland, accompanied by a Latina and a white woman TIs.Also was present a San Franciscan woman, former nurse who blew the whistle on her medical unit at PMC, when she saw several patients with electrodes in their brain, and realized from their encephalograms that something terribly wrong was being done to them... she disconnected everything, and the electronic torture started, did not let up for over a decade. At first the cops, then the sheriffs tried the intimidating routine by demanding to see a permit, but when told:
"we are not blocking traffic, we are only exercizing our right to peaceful assembly, this is a peaceful demonstration", they did not know what else to do.
Then when they approached us again, twice, I gave them a big smile, told them I was a City Commissioner and asked: "Are you going to keep us safe, Officers?" which was sufficient to make them instantly go away after exclaiming "Of course!!" One sheriff, astoundingly, raised a timid fist and quickly told us GO GET "EM" as he walked away with his colleagues (Refreshing! A TI cop ?)Christine, Richard, the Kats Family, Carole, Judy, John, Yolanda, Carol , Bruno, Marlon, educated onlookers and passed on flyers (forgive this fried brain for omissions... ), and Bruno passed out Buttons. SF Based Tom MCray, TI and political writer, and a homeless person soon joined us. I talked to a colleague,a Veteran for Peace, published poet, who actually wore many political buttons, among them one on Covert Surveillance:
Robert W., who is the acclaimed Honorary chief of the Native Nation, although he is white, due to his incredible activism for Natives and Aborigines and tireless fight to ban School of the Americas and ROTC. He happened to just be waiting for a friend on City Hall steps, and enthusiastically interacted with us.
Robert stated: "We are ALL targeted !". I will stay in touch, potential powerful ally for us. I talked about the protest and IAACEA Goals & Objectives as defined in Debbie's pres release to Sophie Maxwell, City supervisor of my district, and to a campaign team member of James Keys, District 6 Supervisor candidate. Many participants actively engaged passerby's, including an Asian Gay Youth who now wants to be an ally to our movement. No negative interaction whatsoever! (To the sorry exception of a perplike loser... older white dude in a SUV who sped by, hollering: "Go get a job!" Which made us laugh.... Comic relief of the day) One press interview with Christine who handed out a press package and with myself.Christine connected with the City Hall Court TV Media Liaison, and participants took many pictures and videos of our event.
...Marlon C. from Poor Magazine PPN came to interview participants, stayed with us during the entire event, and will work on his third article on "Targeted Individuals" that he will submit to his editor, the formidable "Tiny" Gray Garcia ! Christine and I will work on an article , recount that we will self publish on Indybay along with a compilation of pictures, under Health isues (Covert Violence IS a Public Health issue !)
People came to join us from : Modesto, Fresno, Marin County, Oakland, Berkeley, local San Franciscans too !
Mesha Monge-Irizarry, FounderSFTEC
Philladelphia Reportby T. Josephine
Yes, I did give out flyers alone. Yes, some people wanted them. Plenty more were dying to get home. I am glad for the ones who were interested and next time we should have a group petition and get people to sign it.
TORONTO CANADA Reportby Galina Kurdina
We protested in front of the Legislative Assembly Building and near Medical Science Building of University of Toronto today. We started at 10.30 A.M. There were 5 people in front of the Legislative Assembly: Robin Yan, Regan Hallett, Carlo Calandra, Mark Holden and I, Galina Kurdina. People approached us and we distributed about 10 fliers. One woman came to us and started a scandal. She offered us to hire people, pay them and ask to hold our posters on streets of Toronto. She suggested us not to appear ourselves on the streets. She persuaded us that we had to put some soft information on our posters, not the truth that we experienced and described. When asked, what soft things she would advice to write on our posters, she did not answer. She asked Robin, what was the reason of his targeting. It was clear for all of us that she worked for police, or RCMP or Government. Robin took his camera and wanted to take pictures of her, and she immedieately disappeared...
We left Legislative Building about 1.30 P.M. Robin, Regan and I went to Tim Horton and had some coffee. After that we decided to go to any street and came to Medical Science Building of University of Toronto. Regan left us 30 minutes [later], Robin and I stayed there for one hour.
We distributed our fliers very quickly, people approached us, read our poster about mind control and took fliers. One student of UofT, sweet boy, said to us that, in his opinion, these experiments were disgusting, another person wished us to continue our struggle.
We made pictures and video records. I will send them to all of you, as soon as get them.
Toronto Reportby Danielle DiBari, as provided by Robin Yan
Many of you do not know me, but Galina and Robin do (who ran the protest yesterday at Queen's Park do) and I will save introductions for later for those who are dedicated to working to expose the truth about our cause.
I would like to send you all a little run-down of events yesterday -- I think Galina and Robin will agree, it was an excellent day with superb weather (my nose is totally toasted..LOL~ ) and we were treated with dignity and respect, a generous amount of interest (so much so that we RAN OUT OF letters), and a FEW VERY INTERESTING CONTACTS!All times are approximate. 10:00 AM We were greeted by Security and shown where we could set up. We were asked if we would be "chanting" and we said no. We were asked not to interfere with people on site and that we should let them come to us, we agreed.
We set up across from a woman on a month-long protest of her autistic son being cut off from therapy and put in a regular school. www.tooautistic. com (HEY! OUR PIC IS THERE!)
11:30 am, A HUGE tour of Italian and Spanish speaking tourists get stuck outside the legislative building for some reason, and (possibly to kill some time) the tour guide relays and translates in both ITALIAN and SPANISH, the story of Covert Mind control as dictated by Galina. The group is sympathetic and interested (until they get to go in..lol)
Nothing too interesting happens after that for a couple of hours, we get anumber of people stopping and asking about our situation -- some stopping for longer than others ... needless to say, we only have ONE letter left when we spot the CBC vehicle in the parking lot!
1:00 pm Media Trucks start arriving -- our hearts are in our throats as we feel as if they may intend to interview us! Acutally, the set up is for speaker Dan McTeague to present his speech on the treatment of Omar Kadhr at Guantanamo Bay!
2:30 Dan McTeague shows up to do his interview. About half an hour of talking on Dan's part -- the issue with Quantanamo Bay is loosely connected to OUR issue ... the underlying facts being that PEOPLE ARE BEING TORTURED WITHOUT MERCY/JUSTICE/ ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS!
Here is a link to the situation he spoke of(but nothing on,oh well) http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20090125/khadr_panel_090125/20090125/
Unfortunately, he only appeared on the news for about 10 seconds! (Robin, did you VHS it?)
Legislature Watchdogs (while polite) stood guard IN FRONT OF AND AROUND THE CAMERAS so that WE WOULD NOT BE IN ANY SHOTS!
However, Mr. McTeague's assistant came over to talk to us, took our picture and,I believe, strategically placed a camera to include US in the shot!
Once the shoot was over, Mr. McTeague came over and shook all our hands, talked with us for a bit, gave us his card and told us "You sure got THEIR attention"(possibly meaning the media - I mean, is it coincidence that a talk on a HUMAN RIGHTS TORTURE ISSUES by a prominent M.P. is scheduled on the SAME DAY as our protest? I think NOT!
Anyhow, he said we should contact him if we need anything...we already got a very good thing from him, we got a confidence boost like you wouldn't believe!
And so, our first protest day came to a close. Sunburned, but happy, we took a walk to the subway, and went on our way.
I would say it was a VERY successful day, no one was disrespectful to us, we got a good deal of attention, learned a lot about what to do better NEXT TIME -- and ALMOST got on TV ... lol!
Most of all we learned that FEAR is THEIR greatest weapon ... none of what we feared came about.
The perps will keep on doing what they do no matter what we do...being afraid only helps their cause so...we may as well make some noise 'cause they ain't going away by themselves.
Cheers and talk to you all soon.Danielle DiBariTI - Toronto &Vancouver
VICTORIA, CANADA REPORTby Debbie Newhook, founder, IAACEA
I feel our Victoria protest was a success. We had 5 people present at theprotest: Keith Tickleback from Nelson BC, Consuelo Galomar from Vernon BC, David Smith from Grabriola, Heather Quinn from Victoria BC and me Debbie Newhook. We had one protester from Nanaimo, Doug (Jerry) Rose who could not make the protest as he reported he was feeling horrible the night before the protest and he did not think he would be able to make it.
As soon as we arrived at the protest location we were greeted by a University of Victoria student who wanted an interview with us. David and I spent 30 mins with her speaking about this crime. We gave her hand out material which included FFCHS material along with a Jim Guest letter of support. In addition we suggest that she research James Walbert and directed her to an article in Wired Magazine about James Walbert. She was genuinely interested and shocked at many of the details about this crime.
During the time David and I were being interviewed, the police arrived. Consuelo spoke to the friendly police officer and was told that the police got 2 telephone calls indicating that we were obstructing the sidewalk traffic. Upon his arrival he saw that we were only a small group and that we were not blocking the sidewalk traffic and asked that we continue to allow the flow of pedestrians and not to interfere with them.
Keith was our camera person and did take still pics only of the event and did capture a picture of the police as he was talking to Consuelo.
Later I was approached by woman who knew she was a target of this crime. She knew much about the goings on of the world and she expressed that she was a whistle blower. David and I could tell that she was genuine and she was fearful.I gave her my contact info.
We had many other people briefly speak to us about this crime and did take hand out material.The area of the protest was a very busy location in Victoria and we all thought it was a success.
After about 2.5 hours we had given away about 400 fliers and we were almost out of hand out material when the skies opened up and it began to rain very hard. We called it quits at that time and went back to Heathers house for a chat and a meal.
In my opinion, I thought this was good activism day. David and I later talked about doing this in Nanaimo at a later date and discussed the date of Dec 10 as it was the UN day of Human Rights. http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/
Debbie NewhookInternational Alliance Against Covert Electronic Abuse'We live to achieve justice.
London Reportby Paolo Firori
For all of you on the other side of the Atlantic who would like to know what happened at the Trafalgar Square protest. I received a voicemail from Winston at about 2pm London time, saying that at that point there were 5 people present at the protest, but that they were expecting a few more to attend later. I believe that besides Winston, John Allman and Amanda Palmer were there, as Winston used Amanda's mobile to ring me and John told me of his intention to attend the night before. If people [took] any picture of the event and feel able to share them, I really look forward to seeing them.
[Here's] a short message [Winston] sent me...
"There were 8 of us in the end - we handed out flyers in Trafalgar square and outside the Old Bailey. It was good to meet other T.I.s. We are going to try to set up regular meetings of T.I.s in London."
I may try to do something similar in London on the 24th at two very important events happening on the same day, the annual Anarchist Bookfair and a national Anti-War demo starting in Hyde Park, it will be actually very easy to leaflet there because there are already hundred of different people, leafleting on behalf of hundred different causes, I mean I will probably end up going there by myself, but I would certainly not mind if other London TIs were to decide to join me.
Paolo Fiorihttp://altnews.viviti.com
In short, the prevailing zeitgeist seems to be one of diminishing legitimacy for many of the institutions that dominate our society.
After the storm over health care reform in August, it is clear that the Obama Administration is no longer leading public opinion. In fact, the Administration and the Democratic Congress very clearly misread their mandate. Holman Jenkins recent column in the Wall Street Journal (http://online.wsj.com/article/SB40001424052748704471504574442772173150440.html?mod=wsj_share_facebook) very accurately describes what went wrong.
The question is: how does the Administration get back on track?
http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/Real_Change_is_Possible/
The prepared remarks of President Barack Obama at the United Nations General Assembly.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentleman: it is my honor to address you for the first time as the forty-fourth President of the United States. I come before you humbled by the responsibility that the American people have placed upon me; mindful of the enormous challenges of our moment in history; and determined to act boldly and collectively on behalf of justice and prosperity at home and abroad.
I have been in office for just nine months, though some days it seems a lot longer. I am well aware of the expectations that accompany my presidency around the world. These expectations are not about me. Rather, they are rooted – I believe – in a discontent with a status quo that has allowed us to be increasingly defined by our differences, and outpaced by our problems. But they are also rooted in hope – the hope that real change is possible, and the hope that America will be a leader in bringing about such change.
I took office at a time when many around the world had come to view America with skepticism and distrust. Part of this was due to misperceptions and misinformation about my country. Part of this was due to opposition to specific policies, and a belief that on certain critical issues, America has acted unilaterally, without regard for the interests of others. This has fed an almost reflexive anti-Americanism, which too often has served as an excuse for our collective inaction.
Like all of you, my responsibility is to act in the interest of my nation and my people, and I will never apologize for defending those interests. But it is my deeply held belief that in the year 2009 – more than at any point in human history – the interests of nations and peoples are shared.
The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among people, or tear us apart. The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever darken it. The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it. What happens to the hope of a single child – anywhere – can enrich our world, or impoverish it.
In this hall, we come from many places, but we share a common future. No longer do we have the luxury of indulging our differences to the exclusion of the work that we must do together. I have carried this message from London to Ankara; from Port of Spain to Moscow; from Accra to Cairo; and it’s what I will speak about today. Because the time has come for the world to move in a new direction. We must embrace a new era of engagement based on mutual interests and mutual respect, and our work must begin now.
We know the future will be forged by deeds and not simply words. Speeches alone will not solve our problems – it will take persistent action. So for those who question the character and cause of my nation, I ask you to look at the concrete actions that we have taken in just nine months.
On my first day in office, I prohibited – without exception or equivocation – the use of torture by the United States of America. I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed, and we are doing the hard work of forging a framework to combat extremism within the rule of law. Every nation must know: America will live its values, and we will lead by example.
We have set a clear and focused goal: to work with all members of this body to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies – a network that has killed thousands of people of many faiths and nations, and that plotted to blow up this very building. In Afghanistan and Pakistan, we – and many nations here – are helping those governments develop the capacity to take the lead in this effort, while working to advance opportunity and security for their people.
In Iraq, we are responsibly ending a war. We have removed American combat brigades from Iraqi cities, and set a deadline of next August to remove all of our combat brigades from Iraqi territory. And I have made clear that we will help Iraqis transition to full responsibility for their future, and keep our commitment to remove all American troops by the end of 2011.
I have outlined a comprehensive agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. In Moscow, the United States and Russia announced that we would pursue substantial reductions in our strategic warheads and launchers. At the Conference on Disarmament, we agreed on a work plan to negotiate an end to the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons. And this week, my Secretary of State will become the first senior American representative to the annual Members Conference of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
Upon taking office, I appointed a Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and America has worked steadily and aggressively to advance the cause of two states – Israel and Palestine – in which peace and security take root, and the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians are respected.
To confront climate change, we have invested 80 billion dollars in clean energy. We have substantially increased our fuel-efficiency standards. We have provided new incentives for conservation, launched an energy partnership across the Americas, and moved from a bystander to a leader in international climate negotiations.
To overcome an economic crisis that touches every corner of the world, we worked with the G-20 nations to forge a coordinated international response of over two trillion dollars in stimulus to bring the global economy back from the brink. We mobilized resources that helped prevent the crisis from spreading further to developing countries. And we joined with others to launch a $20 billion global food security initiative that will lend a hand to those who need it most, and help them build their own capacity.
We have also re-engaged the United Nations. We have paid our bills. We have joined the Human Rights Council. We have signed the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. We have fully embraced the Millennium Development Goals. And we address our priorities here, in this institution – for instance, through the Security Council meeting that I will chair tomorrow on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, and through the issues that I will discuss today.
This is what we have done. But this is just a beginning. Some of our actions have yielded progress. Some have laid the groundwork for progress in the future. But make no mistake: this cannot be solely America’s endeavor. Those who used to chastise America for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the world’s problems alone. We have sought – in word and deed – a new era of engagement with the world. Now is the time for all of us to take our share of responsibility for a global response to global challenges.
If we are honest with ourselves, we need to admit that we are not living up to that responsibility. Consider the course that we are on if we fail to confront the status quo. Extremists sowing terror in pockets of the world. Protracted conflicts that grind on and on. Genocide and mass atrocities. More and more nations with nuclear weapons. Melting ice caps and ravaged populations. Persistent poverty and pandemic disease. I say this not to sow fear, but to state a fact: the magnitude of our challenges has yet to be met by the measure of our action.
This body was founded on the belief that the nations of the world could solve their problems together. Franklin Roosevelt, who died before he could see his vision for this institution become a reality, put it this way – and I quote: “The structure of world peace cannot be the work of one man, or one party, or one Nation…. It cannot be a peace of large nations – or of small nations. It must be a peace which rests on the cooperative effort of the whole world.”
The cooperative effort of the whole world. Those words ring even more true today, when it is not simply peace – but our very health and prosperity that we hold in common. Yet I also know that this body is made up of sovereign states. And sadly, but not surprisingly, this body has often become a forum for sowing discord instead of forging common ground; a venue for playing politics and exploiting grievances rather than solving problems. After all, it is easy to walk up to this podium and to point fingers and stoke division. Nothing is easier than blaming others for our troubles, and absolving ourselves of responsibility for our choices and our actions. Anyone can do that.
Responsibility and leadership in the 21st century demand more. In an era when our destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero sum game. No one nation can or should try to dominate another nation. No world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will succeed. No balance of power among nations will hold. The traditional division between nations of the south and north makes no sense in an interconnected world. Nor do alignments of nations rooted in the cleavages of a long gone Cold War.
The time has come to realize that the old habits and arguments are irrelevant to the challenges faced by our people. They lead nations to act in opposition to the very goals that they claim to pursue, and to vote – often in this body – against the interests of their own people. They build up walls between us and the future that our people seek, and the time has come for those walls to come down. Together, we must build new coalitions that bridge old divides – coalitions of different faiths and creeds; of north and south, east and west; black, white, and brown.
The choice is ours. We can be remembered as a generation that chose to drag the arguments of the 20th century into the 21st; that put off hard choices, refused to look ahead, and failed to keep pace because we defined ourselves by what we were against instead of what we were for. Or, we can be a generation that chooses to see the shoreline beyond the rough waters ahead; that comes together to serve the common interests of human beings, and finally gives meaning to the promise embedded in the name given to this institution: the United Nations.
That is the future America wants – a future of peace and prosperity that we can only reach if we recognize that all nations have rights, but all nations have responsibilities as well. That is the bargain that makes this work. That must be the guiding principle of international cooperation.
Today, I put forward four pillars that are fundamental to the future that we want for our children: non-proliferation and disarmament; the promotion of peace and security; the preservation of our planet; and a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.
First, we must stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and seek the goal of a world without them.
This institution was founded at the dawn of the atomic age, in part because man’s capacity to kill had to be contained. For decades, we averted disaster, even under the shadow of a super-power stand-off. But today, the threat of proliferation is growing in scope and complexity. If we fail to act, we will invite nuclear arms races in every region, and the prospect of wars and acts of terror on a scale that we can hardly imagine.
A fragile consensus stands in the way of this frightening outcome – the basic bargain that shapes the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty. It says that all nations have the right to peaceful nuclear energy; that nations with nuclear weapons have the responsibility to move toward disarmament; and those without them have the responsibility to forsake them. The next twelve months could be pivotal in determining whether this compact will be strengthened or will slowly dissolve.
America will keep our end of the bargain. We will pursue a new agreement with Russia to substantially reduce our strategic warheads and launchers. We will move forward with ratification of the Test Ban Treaty, and work with others to bring the Treaty into force so that nuclear testing is permanently prohibited. We will complete a Nuclear Posture Review that opens the door to deeper cuts, and reduces the role of nuclear weapons. And we will call upon countries to begin negotiations in January on a treaty to end the production of fissile material for weapons.
I will also host a Summit next April that reaffirms each nation’s responsibility to secure nuclear material on its territory, and to help those who can’t – because we must never allow a single nuclear device to fall into the hands of a violent extremist. And we will work to strengthen the institutions and initiatives that combat nuclear smuggling and theft.
All of this must support efforts to strengthen the NPT. Those nations that refuse to live up to their obligations must face consequences. This is not about singling out individual nations – it is about standing up for the rights of all nations that do live up to their responsibilities. Because a world in which IAEA inspections are avoided and the United Nation’s demands are ignored will leave all people less safe, and all nations less secure.
In their actions to date, the governments of North Korea and Iran threaten to take us down this dangerous slope. We respect their rights as members of the community of nations. I am committed to diplomacy that opens a path to greater prosperity and a more secure peace for both nations if they live up to their obligations.
But if the governments of Iran and North Korea choose to ignore international standards; if they put the pursuit of nuclear weapons ahead of regional stability and the security and opportunity of their own people; if they are oblivious to the dangers of escalating nuclear arms races in both East Asia and the Middle East – then they must be held accountable. The world must stand together to demonstrate that international law is not an empty promise, and that Treaties will be enforced. We must insist that the future not belong to fear.
That brings me to the second pillar for our future: the pursuit of peace.
The United Nations was born of the belief that the people of the world can live their lives, raise their families, and resolve their differences peacefully. And yet we know that in too many parts of the world, this ideal remains an abstraction. We can either accept that outcome as inevitable, and tolerate constant and crippling conflict. Or we can recognize that the yearning for peace is universal, and reassert our resolve to end conflicts around the world.
That effort must begin with an unshakeable determination that the murder of innocent men, women and children will never be tolerated. On this, there can be no dispute. The violent extremists who promote conflict by distorting faith have discredited and isolated themselves. They offer nothing but hatred and destruction. In confronting them, America will forge lasting partnerships to target terrorists, share intelligence, coordinate law enforcement, and protect our people. We will permit no safe-haven for al Qaeda to launch attacks from Afghanistan or any other nation. We will stand by our friends on the front lines, as we and many nations will do in pledging support for the Pakistani people tomorrow. And we will pursue positive engagement that builds bridges among faiths, and new partnerships for opportunity.
But our efforts to promote peace cannot be limited to defeating violent extremists. For the most powerful weapon in our arsenal is the hope of human beings – the belief that the future belongs to those who build, not destroy; the confidence that conflicts can end, and a new day begin.
That is why we will strengthen our support for effective peacekeeping, while energizing our efforts to prevent conflicts before they take hold. We will pursue a lasting peace in Sudan through support for the people of Darfur, and the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, so that we secure the peace that the Sudanese people deserve. And in countries ravaged by violence – from Haiti to Congo to East Timor – we will work with the UN and other partners to support an enduring peace.
I will also continue to seek a just and lasting peace between Israel, Palestine, and the Arab world. Yesterday, I had a constructive meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas. We have made some progress. Palestinians have strengthened their efforts on security. Israelis have facilitated greater freedom of movement for the Palestinians. As a result of these efforts by both sides, the economy in the West Bank has begun to grow. But more progress is needed. We continue to call on Palestinians to end incitement against Israel, and we continue to emphasize that America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.
The time has come to re-launch negotiations – without preconditions – that address the permanent-status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians; borders, refugees and Jerusalem. The goal is clear: two states living side by side in peace and security – a Jewish State of Israel, with true security for all Israelis; and a viable, independent Palestinian state with contiguous territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967, and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people. As we pursue this goal, we will also pursue peace between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its many neighbors. In pursuit of that goal, we will develop regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.
I am not naïve. I know this will be difficult. But all of us must decide whether we are serious about peace, or whether we only lend it lip-service. To break the old patterns – to break the cycle of insecurity and despair – all of us must say publicly what we would acknowledge in private. The United States does Israel no favors when we fail to couple an unwavering commitment to its security with an insistence that Israel respect the legitimate claims and rights of the Palestinians. And nations within this body do the Palestinians no favors when they choose vitriolic attacks over a constructive willingness to recognize Israel’s legitimacy, and its right to exist in peace and security.
We must remember that the greatest price of this conflict is not paid by us. It is paid by the Israeli girl in Sderot who closes her eyes in fear that a rocket will take her life in the night. It is paid by the Palestinian boy in Gaza who has no clean water and no country to call his own. These are God’s children. And after all of the politics and all of the posturing, this is about the right of every human being to live with dignity and security. That is a lesson embedded in the three great faiths that call one small slice of Earth the Holy Land. And that is why – even though there will be setbacks, and false starts, and tough days – I will not waiver in my pursuit of peace.
Third, we must recognize that in the 21st century, there will be no peace unless we make take responsibility for the preservation of our planet.
The danger posed by climate change cannot be denied, and our responsibility to meet it must not be deferred. If we continue down our current course, every member of this Assembly will see irreversible changes within their borders. Our efforts to end conflicts will be eclipsed by wars over refugees and resources. Development will be devastated by drought and famine. Land that human beings have lived on for millennia will disappear. Future generations will look back and wonder why we refused to act – why we failed to pass on intact the environment that was our inheritance.
That is why the days when America dragged its feet on this issue are over. We will move forward with investments to transform our energy economy, while providing incentives to make clean energy the profitable kind of energy. We will press ahead with deep cuts in emissions to reach the goals that we set for 2020, and eventually 2050. We will continue to promote renewable energy and efficiency – and share new technologies – with countries around the world. And we will seize every opportunity for progress to address this threat in a cooperative effort with the whole world.
Those wealthy nations that did so much to damage the environment in the 20th century must accept our obligation to lead. But responsibility does not end there. While we must acknowledge the need for differentiated responses, any effort to curb carbon emissions must include the fast-growing carbon emitters who can do more to reduce their air pollution without inhibiting growth. And any effort that fails to help the poorest nations both adapt to the problems that climate change has already wrought – and travel a path of clean development – will not work.
It is hard to change something as fundamental as how we use energy. It’s even harder to do so in the midst of a global recession. Certainly, it will be tempting to sit back and wait for others to move first. But we cannot make this journey unless we all move forward together. As we head into Copenhagen, let us resolve to focus on what each of us can do for the sake of our common future.
This leads me to the final pillar that must fortify our future: a global economy that advances opportunity for all people.
The world is still recovering from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. In America, we see the engine of growth beginning to churn, yet many still struggle to find a job or pay their bills. Across the globe, we find promising signs, yet little certainty about what lies ahead. And far too many people in far too many places live through the daily crises that challenge our common humanity – the despair of an empty stomach; the thirst brought on by dwindling water; the injustice of a child dying from a treatable disease, or a mother losing her life as she gives birth.
In Pittsburgh, we will work with the world’s largest economies to chart a course for growth that is balanced and sustained. That means vigilance to ensure that we do not let up until our people are back to work. That means taking steps to rekindle demand, so that a global recovery can be sustained. And that means setting new rules of the road and strengthening regulation for all financial centers, so that we put an end to the greed, excess and abuse that led us into disaster, and prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again.
At a time of such interdependence, we have a moral and pragmatic interest in broader questions of development. And so we will continue our historic effort to help people feed themselves. We have set aside $63 billion to carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS; to end deaths from tuberculosis and malaria; to eradicate polio; and to strengthen public health systems. We are joining with other countries to contribute H1N1 vaccines to the World Health Organization. We will integrate more economies into a system of global trade. We will support the Millennium Development Goals, and approach next year’s Summit with a global plan to make them a reality. And we will set our sights on the eradication of extreme poverty in our time.
Now is the time for all of us to do our part. Growth will not be sustained or shared unless all nations embrace their responsibility. Wealthy nations must open their markets to more goods and extend a hand to those with less, while reforming international institutions to give more nations a greater voice. Developing nations must root out the corruption that is an obstacle to progress – for opportunity cannot thrive where individuals are oppressed and business have to pay bribes. That’s why we will support honest police and independent judges; civil society and a vibrant private sector. Our goal is simple: a global economy in which growth is sustained, and opportunity is available to all.
The changes that I have spoken about today will not be easy to make. And they will not be realized simply by leaders like us coming together in forums like this. For as in any assembly of members, real change can only come through the people we represent. That is why we must do the hard work to lay the groundwork for progress in our own capitals. That is where we will build the consensus to end conflicts and to harness technology for peaceful purposes; to change the way we use energy, and to promote growth that can be sustained and shared.
I believe that the people of the world want this future for their children. And that is why we must champion those principles which ensure that governments reflect the will of the people. These principles cannot be afterthoughts – democracy and human rights are essential to achieving each of the goals that I have discussed today. Because governments of the people and by the people are more likely to act in the broader interests of their own people, rather than the narrow interest of those in power.
The test of our leadership will not be the degree to which we feed the fears and old hatreds of our people. True leadership will not be measured by the ability to muzzle dissent, or to intimidate and harass political opponents at home. The people of the world want change. They will not long tolerate those who are on the wrong side of history.
This Assembly’s Charter commits each of us, and I quote – “to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women.” Among those rights is the freedom to speak your mind and worship as you please; the promise of equality of the races, and the opportunity for women and girls to pursue their own potential; the ability of citizens to have a say in how you are governed, and to have confidence in the administration of justice. For just as no nation should be forced to accept the tyranny of another nation, no individual should be forced to accept the tyranny of their own government.
As an African-American, I will never forget that I would not be here today without the steady pursuit of a more perfect union in my country. That guides my belief that no matter how dark the day may seem, transformative change can be forged by those who choose the side of justice. And I pledge that America will always stand with those who stand up for their dignity and their rights – for the student who seeks to learn; the voter who demands to be heard; the innocent who longs to be free; and the oppressed who yearns to be equal.
Democracy cannot be imposed on any nation from the outside. Each society must search for its own path, and no path is perfect. Each country will pursue a path rooted in the culture of its people, and – in the past – America has too often been selective in its promotion of democracy. But that does not weaken our commitment, it only reinforces it. There are basic principles that are universal; there are certain truths which are self evident – and the United States of America will never waiver in our efforts to stand up for the right of people everywhere to determine their own destiny.
Sixty-five years ago, a weary Franklin Roosevelt spoke to the American people in his fourth and final inaugural address. After years of war, he sought to sum up the lessons that could be drawn from the terrible suffering and enormous sacrifice that had taken place. “We have learned,” he said, “to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.”
The United Nations was built by men and women like Roosevelt from every corner of the world – from Africa and Asia; form Europe to the Americas. These architects of international cooperation had an idealism that was anything but naïve – it was rooted in the hard-earned lessons of war, and the wisdom that nations could advance their interests by acting together instead of splitting apart.
Now it falls to us – for this institution will be what we make of it. The United Nations does extraordinary good around the world in feeding the hungry, caring for the sick, and mending places that have been broken. But it also struggles to enforce its will, and to live up to the ideals of its founding.
I believe that those imperfections are not a reason to walk away from this institution – they are a calling to redouble our efforts. The United Nations can either be a place where we bicker about outdated grievances, or forge common ground; a place where we focus on what drives us apart, or what brings us together; a place where we indulge tyranny, or a source of moral authority. In short, the United Nations can be an institution that is disconnected from what matters in the lives of our citizens, or it can be indispensable in advancing the interests of the people we serve.
We have reached a pivotal moment. The United States stands ready to begin a new chapter of international cooperation – one that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all nations. With confidence in our cause, and with a commitment to our values, we call on all nations to join us in building the future that our people deserve. Thank you.
God helped victims who had been suffering from terrible remote mind control abuses and tortures
I became a victim of remote mind control abuses and tortures since Dec 2001 when I was studying Master Degree in Australia.
Suddenly heard "voices" harass me even at midnights, and pain all over the body. It really scared me. I was totally confused and frightened.
On Jan 2002, I stared crying for God.
If one of your Fingers was hurt, you would pay all your attention to the hurt Finger. I was the hurt Finger of the God. God heard my crying, God came to me. When I was crying, God shed tears for me.
Pain in my body, Pain in God's heart. After seeing my terrible suffering for some days, God came to me and stay. God decided to experience the suffering what I was experiencing.
While I was suffering from the terrible abuses and tortures on the Earth. God had won the War in the Heavens. (Revelation 12-8) Because of the sins of Satan, Satan was hurled to the Earth. And his angels with him.
God taught me how to do. I asked torturers to drop down their weapons since the first time they started torturing me. I told them that God was patient and forgiving, If they could drop down their weapons, they would go to the Heaven. But they were so waywardness and complacency, they did not listen to me. They kept torturing me everyday.....
God told me that I was chosen by the God. God knew the terrible tortures on the Earth. and sent me to the earth for solving the problem.
On 7 Aug 2002, I prayed hard to the God. "Please tell me what I should do, please teach me how to do." "Please help me to open the Bible."
I closed my eyes and opened the Bible. It was God to help me open the Bible. The page of the opened Bible was <PROVERBS>.
God told me <PROVERBS> was the mission of God in the beginning of this new 1000 years. God told me that <PROVERBS> also would teach me how to do.
God teached me: "Do what you can do, and God will do others".
What I could do -- call to Public, let everyone know mind control abuses and tortures; Urge government to investigate such tortures and sentence torturers according to law.
Jesus was real, the Love i could feel. When i felt like that I could not go on, the Lord was right here. God suffered with me together. The terrible torture and the ignorance of the whole world has also hurt God.
On Jun 2009, I did not want God continue suffering with me together. God went back to the Heaven to recuperate from the hurt. God's angels were with God. They had been suffering too when seeming my suffering.
Because of the sins of Human Beings. God let Satan stay on the earth for a while.
I would continue working hard to call on Public to bring awareness of covert mind control abuses and tortures. and urge government to investigate such tortures and sentence torturers according to law. God had told me that "Proverbs" would teach me how to do.
ProverbsWarning Against Enticement1-8 Listen, my son, to your father's instruction and do not forsake your mother's teaching.1-9 They will be a garland to grace your head and a chain to adorn your neck.1-10 My son, if sinners entice you, do not give in to them.1-11 If they say, "Come along with us; let's lie in wait for someone's blood, let's waylay some harmless soul;1-12 let's swallow them alive, like the grave, and whole, like those who go down to the pit;(Secret Mind Control weapons abuses and tortures are to : wait for victims blood, waylay their harmless soul; swallow victims alive, like the grave, and whole, like those who go down to the pit.)1-13 we will get all sorts of valuable things and fill our houses with plunder;1-14 throw in your lot with us, and we will share a common purse"--1-15 my son, do not go along with them, do not set foot on their paths; (God asks everyone, do not support mind control weapons abuses and tortures) 1-16 for their feet rush into sin, they are swift to shed blood.1-17 How useless to spread a net in full view of all the birds!1-18 These men lie in wait for their own blood; they waylay only themselves!1-19 Such is the end of all who go after ill-gotten gain; it takes away the lives of those who get it.
Warning Against Rejecting Wisdom1-20 Wisdom calls aloud in the street,she raises her voice in the public squares;1-21 at the head of the noisy streets she cries out,in the gateways of the vity she makes her speech;(would you not believe that Wisdom had already called out to stop mind control weapons abuses and tortures? and victims have been following her call, and urged government to investigate such crime immediately?) 1-22 How long will you simple ones love your simple ways? How long will mockers delight in mockery and fools tate knowledge?1-23 If you had responded to my rebuke, I would have poured out my heart to you and made my thoughts known to you.1-24 But since you rejected me when I called and no one gave heed when I stretched out my hand,1-25 Since you ignored all my advoice and would not accept my rebuke,(please don't reject to help victims and don't ignore victims complaint)1-26 I in turn will laugh at your disater; I will mock when calamity overtakes you--1-27 When calamity overtakes you like a storm,when disaster sweeps over you like a whirlwind,when distress and trouble overwhelm you.1-28"Then they will call to me but I will not answer;they will look for me but will not find me.1-29 Since they hated knowledge and did not choose to fear the Lord,1-30 Since they would not accept my advice and spurned my rebuke,1-31 they will eat the fruit of their ways.and be filled with the fruit of their schemes.1-32 For the waywardness of the simple will kill them.and the complacency of fools will destroy them; (Please don't be so waywardness in supporting mind control weapons abuses and tortures, please don't be complacency to covert mind control weapons abuses and tortures)1-33 but whoever listens to me will live in safety and be at ease, without fear of harm.
More information about Mind Control/Directed Energy Weapons
http://peacepink.ning.com/forum
www.whitehouse.gov
September 15th marks the one-year anniversary of the collapse of Lehman Brothers, an event that, for many, brought home just how serious the financial crisis had become. One year later, President Obama spoke at the Federal hall in New York City to both look back and look forward:
While full recovery of the financial system will take a great deal more time and work, the growing stability resulting from these interventions means we're beginning to return to normalcy. But here's what I want to emphasize today: Normalcy cannot lead to complacency.Unfortunately, there are some in the financial industry who are misreading this moment. Instead of learning the lessons of Lehman and the crisis from which we're still recovering, they're choosing to ignore those lessons. I'm convinced they do so not just at their own peril, but at our nation's. So I want everybody here to hear my words: We will not go back to the days of reckless behavior and unchecked excess that was at the heart of this crisis, where too many were motivated only by the appetite for quick kills and bloated bonuses. Those on Wall Street cannot resume taking risks without regard for consequences, and expect that next time, American taxpayers will be there to break their fall.And that's why we need strong rules of the road to guard against the kind of systemic risks that we've seen. And we have a responsibility to write and enforce these rules to protect consumers of financial products, to protect taxpayers, and to protect our economy as a whole. Yes, there must -- these rules must be developed in a way that doesn't stifle innovation and enterprise. And I want to say very clearly here today, we want to work with the financial industry to achieve that end. But the old ways that led to this crisis cannot stand. And to the extent that some have so readily returned to them underscores the need for change and change now. History cannot be allowed to repeat itself.So what we're calling for is for the financial industry to join us in a constructive effort to update the rules and regulatory structure to meet the challenges of this new century. That is what my administration seeks to do. We've sought ideas and input from industry leaders and policy experts, academics, consumer advocates, and the broader public. And we've worked closely with leaders in the Senate and the House, including not only Barney, but also Senators Chris Dodd and Richard Shelby, and Barney is already working with his counterpart, Sheldon Bacchus. And we intend to pass regulatory reform through Congress.And taken together, we're proposing the most ambitious overhaul of the financial regulatory system since the Great Depression. But I want to emphasize that these reforms are rooted in a simple principle: We ought to set clear rules of the road that promote transparency and accountability. That's how we'll make certain that markets foster responsibility, not recklessness. That's how we'll make certain that markets reward those who compete honestly and vigorously within the system, instead of those who are trying to game the system.
The President went on to lay out the specifics of the new regulations and oversight that the largely Wall Street audience would come under.
Read the President's full remarks, as prepared for delivery . . .
Remarks of President Barack Obama – As Prepared for DeliveryFinancial Rescue and ReformFederal HallSeptember 14, 2009Thank you all for being here and for your warm welcome. It’s a privilege to be in historic Federal Hall. It was here more than two centuries ago that our first Congress served and our first President was inaugurated. It was here, in the early days of our Republic, that Hamilton and Jefferson debated how best to administer a young economy and to ensure that our nation rewarded the talents and drive of its people. Two centuries later, we still grapple with these questions – questions made more acute in moments of crisis.It was one year ago that we experienced just such a crisis. As investors and pension-holders watched with dread and dismay, and after a series of emergency meetings often conducted in the dead of the night, several of the world’s largest and oldest financial institutions had fallen, either bankrupt, bought, or bailed out: Lehman Brothers, Merrill Lynch, AIG, Washington Mutual, Wachovia. A week before this began, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac had been taken over by the government. Other large firms teetered on the brink of insolvency. Credit markets froze as banks refused to lend not only to families and businesses but to one another. Five trillion dollars of Americans’ household wealth evaporated in the span of just three months.Congress and the previous administration took difficult but necessary action in the days and months that followed. Nevertheless, when this administration walked through the door in January, the situation remained urgent. The markets had fallen sharply; credit was not flowing. It was feared that the largest banks – those that remained standing – had too little capital and far too much exposure to risky loans. And the consequences had spread far beyond the streets of lower Manhattan. This was no longer just a financial crisis; it had become a full-blown economic crisis, with home prices sinking, businesses struggling to access affordable credit, and the economy shedding an average of 700,000 jobs each month.We could not separate what was happening in the corridors of our financial institutions from what was happening on factory floors and around kitchen tables. Home foreclosures linked those who took out home loans and those who repackaged those loans as securities. A lack of access to affordable credit threatened the health of large firms and small businesses, as well as all those whose jobs depended on them. And a weakened financial system weakened the broader economy, which in turn further weakened the financial system.The only way to address successfully any of these challenges was to address them together, and so this administration – with terrific leadership by my Treasury Secretary, Tim Geithner, as well the Chair of my Council of Economic Advisers, Christy Romer, and the Chair of the National Economic Council, Larry Summers – moved quickly on all fronts, initializing a financial stability plan to rescue the system from the crisis and restart lending for all those affected by the crisis. By opening and examining the books of large financial firms, we helped restore the availability of two things that had been in short supply: capital and confidence. By taking aggressive and innovative steps in credit markets, we spurred lending not just to banks, but to folks looking to buy homes or cars, take out student loans, or finance small businesses. Our home ownership plan has helped responsible homeowners refinance to stem the tide of lost homes and lost home values.And the recovery plan is providing help to the unemployed and tax relief for working families, all while spurring consumer spending. It’s prevented layoffs of tens of thousands of teachers, police officers, and other essential public servants. And thousands of recovery projects are underway all across America, putting people to work building wind turbines and solar panels, renovating schools and hospitals, and repairing our nation’s roads and bridges.Eight months later, the work of recovery continues. And although I will never be satisfied while people are out of work and our financial system is weakened, we can be confident that the storms of the past two years are beginning to break.In fact, while there continues to be a need for government involvement to stabilize the financial system, that necessity is waning. After months in which public dollars were flowing into our financial system, we are finally beginning to see money flowing back to the taxpayers. This doesn’t mean taxpayers will escape the worst financial crisis in decades unscathed. But banks have repaid more than $70 billion, and in those cases where the government’s stake has been sold completely, taxpayers have actually earned a 17-percent return on their investment. Just a few months ago, many experts from across the ideological spectrum feared that ensuring financial stability would require even more tax dollars. Instead, we’ve been able to eliminate a $250 billion reserve included in our budget because that fear has not been realized.While full recovery of the financial system will take a great deal more time and work, the growing stability resulting from these interventions means we are beginning to return to normalcy. But what I want to emphasize is this: normalcy cannot lead to complacency.Unfortunately, there are some in the financial industry who are misreading this moment. Instead of learning the lessons of Lehman and the crisis from which we are still recovering, they are choosing to ignore them. They do so not just at their own peril, but at our nation’s. So I want them to hear my words: We will not go back to the days of reckless behavior and unchecked excess at the heart of this crisis, where too many were motivated only by the appetite for quick kills and bloated bonuses. Those on Wall Street cannot resume taking risks without regard for consequences, and expect that next time, American taxpayers will be there to break their fall. That’s why we need strong rules of the road to guard against the kind of systemic risks we have seen. And we have a responsibility to write and enforce these rules to protect consumers of financial products, taxpayers, and our economy as a whole. Yes, they must be developed in a way that does not stifle innovation and enterprise. And we want to work with the financial industry to achieve that end. But the old ways that led to this crisis cannot stand. And to the extent that some have so readily returned to them underscores the need for change and change now. History cannot be allowed to repeat itself.Instead, we are calling on the financial industry to join us in a constructive effort to update the rules and regulatory structure to meet the challenges of this new century. That is what my administration seeks to do. We have sought ideas and input from industry leaders, policy experts, academics, consumer advocates, and the broader public. And we’ve worked closely with leaders in the Senate and House, including Senators Chris Dodd and Richard Shelby, and Congressman Barney Frank, who are now working to pass regulatory reform through Congress.Taken together, we are proposing the most ambitious overhaul of the financial system since the Great Depression. But I want to emphasize that these reforms are rooted in a simple principle: we ought to set clear rules of the road that promote transparency and accountability. That’s how we’ll make certain that markets foster responsibility, not recklessness, and reward those who compete honestly and vigorously within the system, instead of those who try to game the system.First, we’re proposing new rules to protect consumers and a new Consumer Financial Protection Agency to enforce those rules. This crisis was not just the result of decisions made by the mightiest of financial firms. It was also the result of decisions made by ordinary Americans to open credit cards and take on mortgages. And while there were many who took out loans they knew they couldn’t afford, there were also millions of Americans who signed contracts they didn’t fully understand offered by lenders who didn’t always tell the truth.This is in part because there is no single agency charged with making sure it doesn’t happen. That is what we’ll change. The Consumer Financial Protection Agency will have the power to ensure that consumers get information that is clear and concise, and to prevent the worst kinds of abuses. Consumers shouldn’t have to worry about loan contracts designed to be unintelligible, hidden fees attached to their mortgages, and financial penalties – whether through a credit card or debit card – that appear without warning on their statements. And responsible lenders, including community banks, doing the right thing shouldn’t have to worry about ruinous competition from unregulated competitors. Now there are those who are suggesting that somehow this will restrict the choices available to consumers. Nothing could be further from the truth. The lack of clear rules in the past meant we had innovation of the wrong kind: the firm that could make its products look best by doing the best job of hiding the real costs won. For example, we had “teaser” rates on credit cards and mortgages that lured people in and then surprised them with big rate increases. By setting ground rules, we’ll increase the kind of competition that actually provides people better and greater choices, as companies compete to offer the best product, not the one that’s most complex or confusing.Second, we’ve got to close the loopholes that were at the heart of the crisis. Where there were gaps in the rules, regulators lacked the authority to take action. Where there were overlaps, regulators often lacked accountability for inaction. These weaknesses in oversight engendered systematic, and systemic, abuse.Under existing rules, some companies can actually shop for the regulator of their choice – and others, like hedge funds, can operate outside of the regulatory system altogether. We’ve seen the development of financial instruments, like derivatives and credit default swaps, without anyone examining the risks or regulating all of the players. And we’ve seen lenders profit by providing loans to borrowers who they knew would never repay, because the lender offloaded the loan and the consequences to someone else. Those who refuse to game the system are at a disadvantage.Now, one of the main reasons this crisis could take place is that many agencies and regulators were responsible for oversight of individual financial firms and their subsidiaries, but no one was responsible for protecting the whole system. In other words, regulators were charged with seeing the trees, but not the forest. And even then, some firms that posed a “systemic risk” were not regulated as strongly as others, exploiting loopholes in the system to take on greater risk with less scrutiny. As a result, the failure of one firm threatened the viability of many others. We were facing one of the largest financial crises in history and those responsible for oversight were caught off guard and without the authority to act.That’s why we’ll create clear accountability and responsibility for regulating large financial firms that pose a systemic risk. While holding the Federal Reserve fully accountable for regulation of the largest, most interconnected firms, we’ll create an oversight council to bring together regulators from across markets to share information, to identify gaps in regulation, and to tackle issues that don’t fit neatly into an organizational chart. We’ll also require these financial firms to meet stronger capital and liquidity requirements and observe greater constraints on their risky behavior. That’s one of the lessons of the past year. The only way to avoid a crisis of this magnitude is to ensure that large firms can’t take risks that threaten our entire financial system, and to make sure they have the resources to weather even the worst of economic storms.Even as we’ve proposed safeguards to make the failure of large and interconnected firms less likely, we’ve also proposed creating what’s called “resolution authority” in the event that such a failure happens and poses a threat to the stability of the financial system. This is intended to put an end to the idea that some firms are “too big to fail.” For a market to function, those who invest and lend in that market must believe that their money is actually at risk. And the system as a whole isn’t safe until it is safe from the failure of any individual institution.If a bank approaches insolvency, we have a process through the FDIC that protects depositors and maintains confidence in the banking system. This process was created during the Great Depression when the failure of one bank led to runs on other banks, which in turn threatened the banking system. And it works. Yet we don’t have any kind of process in place to contain the failure of a Lehman Brothers or AIG or any of the largest and most interconnected financial firms in our country.That’s why, when this crisis began, crucial decisions about what would happen to some of the world’s biggest companies – companies employing tens of thousands of people and holding trillions of dollars in assets – took place in hurried discussions in the middle of the night. And that’s why we’ve had to rely on taxpayer dollars. The only resolution authority we currently have that would prevent a financial meltdown involved tapping the Federal Reserve or the federal treasury. With so much at stake, we should not be forced to choose between allowing a company to fall into a rapid and chaotic dissolution that threatens the economy and innocent people, or forcing taxpayers to foot the bill. Our plan would put the cost of a firm’s failure on those who own its stock and loaned it money. And if taxpayers ever have to step in again to prevent a second Great Depression, the financial industry will have to pay the taxpayer back – every cent. Finally, we need to close the gaps that exist not just within this country but among countries. The United States is leading a coordinated response to promote recovery and to restore prosperity among both the world’s largest economies and the world’s fastest growing economies. At a summit in London in April, leaders agreed to work together in an unprecedented way to spur global demand but also to address the underlying problems that caused such a deep and lasting global recession. This work will continue next week in Pittsburgh when I convene the G20, which has proven to be an effective forum for coordinating policies among key developed and emerging economies and one that I see taking on an important role in the future. Essential to this effort is reforming what’s broken in the global financial system – a system that links economies and spreads both rewards and risks. For we know that abuses in financial markets anywhere can have an impact everywhere; and just as gaps in domestic regulation lead to a race to the bottom, so too do gaps in regulation around the world. Instead, we need a global race to the top, including stronger capital standards, as I’ve called for today. As the United States is aggressively reforming our regulatory system, we will be working to ensure that the rest of the world does the same.A healthy economy in the 21st Century also depends upon our ability to buy and sell goods in markets across the globe. And make no mistake, this administration is committed to pursuing expanded trade and new trade agreements. It is absolutely essential to our economic future. But no trading system will work if we fail to enforce our trade agreements. So when, as happened this weekend, we invoke provisions of existing agreements, we do so not to be provocative or to promote self-defeating protectionism. We do so because enforcing trade agreements is part and parcel of maintaining an open and free trading system.And just as we have to live up to our responsibilities on trade, we have to live up to our responsibilities on financial reform as well. I have urged leaders in Congress to pass regulatory reform this year and both Congressman Frank and Senator Dodd, who are leading this effort, have made it clear that that’s what they intend to do. Now there will be those who defend the status quo. There will be those who argue we should do less or nothing at all. But to them I’d say only this: do you believe that the absence of sound regulation one year ago was good for the financial system? Do you believe the resulting decline in markets and wealth and employment was good for the economy? Or the American people?I’ve always been a strong believer in the power of the free market. I believe that jobs are best created not by government, but by businesses and entrepreneurs willing to take a risk on a good idea. I believe that the role of government is not to disparage wealth, but to expand its reach; not to stifle markets, but to provide the ground rules and level playing field that helps to make them more vibrant – and that will allow us to better tap the creative and innovative potential of our people. For we know that it is the dynamism of our people that has been the source of America’s progress and prosperity.So I certainly did not run for President to bail out banks or intervene in the capital markets. But it is important to note that the very absence of common-sense regulations able to keep up with a fast-paced financial sector is what created the need for that extraordinary intervention. The lack of sensible rules of the road, so often opposed by those who claim to speak for the free market, led to a rescue far more intrusive than anything any of us, Democrat or Republican, progressive or conservative, would have proposed or predicted.At the same time, what we must do now goes beyond just these reforms. For what took place one year ago was not merely a failure of regulation or legislation; it was not merely a failure of oversight or foresight. It was a failure of responsibility that allowed Washington to become a place where problems – including structural problems in our financial system – were ignored rather than solved. It was a failure of responsibility that led homebuyers and derivative traders alike to take reckless risks they couldn’t afford. It was a collective failure of responsibility in Washington, on Wall Street, and across America that led to the near-collapse of our financial system one year ago.Restoring a willingness to take responsibility – even when it is hard – is at the heart of what we must do. Here on Wall Street, you have a responsibility. The reforms I’ve laid out will pass and these changes will become law. But one of the most important ways to rebuild the system stronger than before is to rebuild trust stronger than before – and you do not have to wait for a new law to do that. You don’t have to wait to use plain language in your dealings with consumers. You don’t have to wait to put the 2009 bonuses of your senior executives up for a shareholder vote. You don’t have to wait for a law to overhaul your pay system so that folks are rewarded for long-term performance instead of short-term gains.The fact is, many of the firms that are now returning to prosperity owe a debt to the American people. Though they were not the cause of the crisis, American taxpayers through their government took extraordinary action to stabilize the financial industry. They shouldered the burden of the bailout and they are still bearing the burden of the fallout – in lost jobs, lost homes and lost opportunities. It is neither right nor responsible after you’ve recovered with the help of your government to shirk your obligation to the goal of wider recovery, a more stable system, and a more broadly shared prosperity.So I want to urge you to demonstrate that you take this obligation to heart. To put greater effort into helping families who need their mortgages modified under my administration’s homeownership plan. To help small business owners who desperately need loans and who are bearing the brunt of the decline in available credit. To help communities that would benefit from the financing you could provide, or the community development institutions you could support. To come up with creative approaches to improve financial education and to bring banking to those who live and work entirely outside the banking system. And, of course, to embrace serious financial reform, not fight it.Just as we are asking the private sector to think about the long term, Washington must as well. When my administration came through the door, we not only faced a financial crisis and costly recession, we also found waiting a trillion-dollar deficit. Yes, we have had to take extraordinary action in the wake of an extraordinary economic crisis. But I am committed to putting this nation on a sound and secure fiscal footing. That’s why we’re pushing to restore pay-as-you-go rules, because I will not go along with the old Washington ways which said it was OK to pass spending bills and tax cuts without a plan to pay for it. That’s why we’re cutting programs that don’t work or are out of date. And that’s why I’ve insisted that health insurance reform not add a dime to the deficit, now or in the future.There are those who would suggest that we must choose between markets unfettered by even the most modest of regulations – and markets weighed down by onerous regulations that suppress the spirit of enterprise and innovation. But if there is one lesson we can learn from the last year, it is that this is a false choice. Common-sense rules of the road do not hinder the markets but make them stronger. Indeed, they are essential to ensuring that our markets function, and function fairly and freely.One year ago, we saw in stark relief how markets can err; how a lack of common-sense rules can lead to excess and abuse; how close we can come to the brink. One year later, it is incumbent on us to put in place those reforms that will prevent this kind of crisis from ever happening again; that reflect the painful but important lessons we’ve learned; and that will help us move from a period of recklessness and crisis to one of responsibility and prosperity. That is what we must do. And I’m confident that is what we will do.Thank you.
Remarks of President Barack Obama – As Prepared for DeliveryFinancial Rescue and ReformFederal HallSeptember 14, 2009
Thank you all for being here and for your warm welcome. It’s a privilege to be in historic Federal Hall. It was here more than two centuries ago that our first Congress served and our first President was inaugurated. It was here, in the early days of our Republic, that Hamilton and Jefferson debated how best to administer a young economy and to ensure that our nation rewarded the talents and drive of its people. Two centuries later, we still grapple with these questions – questions made more acute in moments of crisis.It was one year ago that we experienced just such a crisis. As investors and pension-holders watched with dread and dismay, and after a series of emergency meetings often conducted in the dead of the night, several of the world’s largest and oldest financial institutions had fallen, either bankrupt, bought, or bailed out: Lehman Brothers, Merrill Lynch, AIG, Washington Mutual, Wachovia. A week before this began, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac had been taken over by the government. Other large firms teetered on the brink of insolvency. Credit markets froze as banks refused to lend not only to families and businesses but to one another. Five trillion dollars of Americans’ household wealth evaporated in the span of just three months.Congress and the previous administration took difficult but necessary action in the days and months that followed. Nevertheless, when this administration walked through the door in January, the situation remained urgent. The markets had fallen sharply; credit was not flowing. It was feared that the largest banks – those that remained standing – had too little capital and far too much exposure to risky loans. And the consequences had spread far beyond the streets of lower Manhattan. This was no longer just a financial crisis; it had become a full-blown economic crisis, with home prices sinking, businesses struggling to access affordable credit, and the economy shedding an average of 700,000 jobs each month.We could not separate what was happening in the corridors of our financial institutions from what was happening on factory floors and around kitchen tables. Home foreclosures linked those who took out home loans and those who repackaged those loans as securities. A lack of access to affordable credit threatened the health of large firms and small businesses, as well as all those whose jobs depended on them. And a weakened financial system weakened the broader economy, which in turn further weakened the financial system.The only way to address successfully any of these challenges was to address them together, and so this administration – with terrific leadership by my Treasury Secretary, Tim Geithner, as well the Chair of my Council of Economic Advisers, Christy Romer, and the Chair of the National Economic Council, Larry Summers – moved quickly on all fronts, initializing a financial stability plan to rescue the system from the crisis and restart lending for all those affected by the crisis. By opening and examining the books of large financial firms, we helped restore the availability of two things that had been in short supply: capital and confidence. By taking aggressive and innovative steps in credit markets, we spurred lending not just to banks, but to folks looking to buy homes or cars, take out student loans, or finance small businesses. Our home ownership plan has helped responsible homeowners refinance to stem the tide of lost homes and lost home values.And the recovery plan is providing help to the unemployed and tax relief for working families, all while spurring consumer spending. It’s prevented layoffs of tens of thousands of teachers, police officers, and other essential public servants. And thousands of recovery projects are underway all across America, putting people to work building wind turbines and solar panels, renovating schools and hospitals, and repairing our nation’s roads and bridges.Eight months later, the work of recovery continues. And although I will never be satisfied while people are out of work and our financial system is weakened, we can be confident that the storms of the past two years are beginning to break.In fact, while there continues to be a need for government involvement to stabilize the financial system, that necessity is waning. After months in which public dollars were flowing into our financial system, we are finally beginning to see money flowing back to the taxpayers. This doesn’t mean taxpayers will escape the worst financial crisis in decades unscathed. But banks have repaid more than $70 billion, and in those cases where the government’s stake has been sold completely, taxpayers have actually earned a 17-percent return on their investment. Just a few months ago, many experts from across the ideological spectrum feared that ensuring financial stability would require even more tax dollars. Instead, we’ve been able to eliminate a $250 billion reserve included in our budget because that fear has not been realized.While full recovery of the financial system will take a great deal more time and work, the growing stability resulting from these interventions means we are beginning to return to normalcy. But what I want to emphasize is this: normalcy cannot lead to complacency.Unfortunately, there are some in the financial industry who are misreading this moment. Instead of learning the lessons of Lehman and the crisis from which we are still recovering, they are choosing to ignore them. They do so not just at their own peril, but at our nation’s. So I want them to hear my words: We will not go back to the days of reckless behavior and unchecked excess at the heart of this crisis, where too many were motivated only by the appetite for quick kills and bloated bonuses. Those on Wall Street cannot resume taking risks without regard for consequences, and expect that next time, American taxpayers will be there to break their fall. That’s why we need strong rules of the road to guard against the kind of systemic risks we have seen. And we have a responsibility to write and enforce these rules to protect consumers of financial products, taxpayers, and our economy as a whole. Yes, they must be developed in a way that does not stifle innovation and enterprise. And we want to work with the financial industry to achieve that end. But the old ways that led to this crisis cannot stand. And to the extent that some have so readily returned to them underscores the need for change and change now. History cannot be allowed to repeat itself.Instead, we are calling on the financial industry to join us in a constructive effort to update the rules and regulatory structure to meet the challenges of this new century. That is what my administration seeks to do. We have sought ideas and input from industry leaders, policy experts, academics, consumer advocates, and the broader public. And we’ve worked closely with leaders in the Senate and House, including Senators Chris Dodd and Richard Shelby, and Congressman Barney Frank, who are now working to pass regulatory reform through Congress.Taken together, we are proposing the most ambitious overhaul of the financial system since the Great Depression. But I want to emphasize that these reforms are rooted in a simple principle: we ought to set clear rules of the road that promote transparency and accountability. That’s how we’ll make certain that markets foster responsibility, not recklessness, and reward those who compete honestly and vigorously within the system, instead of those who try to game the system.First, we’re proposing new rules to protect consumers and a new Consumer Financial Protection Agency to enforce those rules. This crisis was not just the result of decisions made by the mightiest of financial firms. It was also the result of decisions made by ordinary Americans to open credit cards and take on mortgages. And while there were many who took out loans they knew they couldn’t afford, there were also millions of Americans who signed contracts they didn’t fully understand offered by lenders who didn’t always tell the truth.This is in part because there is no single agency charged with making sure it doesn’t happen. That is what we’ll change. The Consumer Financial Protection Agency will have the power to ensure that consumers get information that is clear and concise, and to prevent the worst kinds of abuses. Consumers shouldn’t have to worry about loan contracts designed to be unintelligible, hidden fees attached to their mortgages, and financial penalties – whether through a credit card or debit card – that appear without warning on their statements. And responsible lenders, including community banks, doing the right thing shouldn’t have to worry about ruinous competition from unregulated competitors. Now there are those who are suggesting that somehow this will restrict the choices available to consumers. Nothing could be further from the truth. The lack of clear rules in the past meant we had innovation of the wrong kind: the firm that could make its products look best by doing the best job of hiding the real costs won. For example, we had “teaser” rates on credit cards and mortgages that lured people in and then surprised them with big rate increases. By setting ground rules, we’ll increase the kind of competition that actually provides people better and greater choices, as companies compete to offer the best product, not the one that’s most complex or confusing.Second, we’ve got to close the loopholes that were at the heart of the crisis. Where there were gaps in the rules, regulators lacked the authority to take action. Where there were overlaps, regulators often lacked accountability for inaction. These weaknesses in oversight engendered systematic, and systemic, abuse.Under existing rules, some companies can actually shop for the regulator of their choice – and others, like hedge funds, can operate outside of the regulatory system altogether. We’ve seen the development of financial instruments, like derivatives and credit default swaps, without anyone examining the risks or regulating all of the players. And we’ve seen lenders profit by providing loans to borrowers who they knew would never repay, because the lender offloaded the loan and the consequences to someone else. Those who refuse to game the system are at a disadvantage.Now, one of the main reasons this crisis could take place is that many agencies and regulators were responsible for oversight of individual financial firms and their subsidiaries, but no one was responsible for protecting the whole system. In other words, regulators were charged with seeing the trees, but not the forest. And even then, some firms that posed a “systemic risk” were not regulated as strongly as others, exploiting loopholes in the system to take on greater risk with less scrutiny. As a result, the failure of one firm threatened the viability of many others. We were facing one of the largest financial crises in history and those responsible for oversight were caught off guard and without the authority to act.That’s why we’ll create clear accountability and responsibility for regulating large financial firms that pose a systemic risk. While holding the Federal Reserve fully accountable for regulation of the largest, most interconnected firms, we’ll create an oversight council to bring together regulators from across markets to share information, to identify gaps in regulation, and to tackle issues that don’t fit neatly into an organizational chart. We’ll also require these financial firms to meet stronger capital and liquidity requirements and observe greater constraints on their risky behavior. That’s one of the lessons of the past year. The only way to avoid a crisis of this magnitude is to ensure that large firms can’t take risks that threaten our entire financial system, and to make sure they have the resources to weather even the worst of economic storms.Even as we’ve proposed safeguards to make the failure of large and interconnected firms less likely, we’ve also proposed creating what’s called “resolution authority” in the event that such a failure happens and poses a threat to the stability of the financial system. This is intended to put an end to the idea that some firms are “too big to fail.” For a market to function, those who invest and lend in that market must believe that their money is actually at risk. And the system as a whole isn’t safe until it is safe from the failure of any individual institution.If a bank approaches insolvency, we have a process through the FDIC that protects depositors and maintains confidence in the banking system. This process was created during the Great Depression when the failure of one bank led to runs on other banks, which in turn threatened the banking system. And it works. Yet we don’t have any kind of process in place to contain the failure of a Lehman Brothers or AIG or any of the largest and most interconnected financial firms in our country.That’s why, when this crisis began, crucial decisions about what would happen to some of the world’s biggest companies – companies employing tens of thousands of people and holding trillions of dollars in assets – took place in hurried discussions in the middle of the night. And that’s why we’ve had to rely on taxpayer dollars. The only resolution authority we currently have that would prevent a financial meltdown involved tapping the Federal Reserve or the federal treasury. With so much at stake, we should not be forced to choose between allowing a company to fall into a rapid and chaotic dissolution that threatens the economy and innocent people, or forcing taxpayers to foot the bill. Our plan would put the cost of a firm’s failure on those who own its stock and loaned it money. And if taxpayers ever have to step in again to prevent a second Great Depression, the financial industry will have to pay the taxpayer back – every cent. Finally, we need to close the gaps that exist not just within this country but among countries. The United States is leading a coordinated response to promote recovery and to restore prosperity among both the world’s largest economies and the world’s fastest growing economies. At a summit in London in April, leaders agreed to work together in an unprecedented way to spur global demand but also to address the underlying problems that caused such a deep and lasting global recession. This work will continue next week in Pittsburgh when I convene the G20, which has proven to be an effective forum for coordinating policies among key developed and emerging economies and one that I see taking on an important role in the future. Essential to this effort is reforming what’s broken in the global financial system – a system that links economies and spreads both rewards and risks. For we know that abuses in financial markets anywhere can have an impact everywhere; and just as gaps in domestic regulation lead to a race to the bottom, so too do gaps in regulation around the world. Instead, we need a global race to the top, including stronger capital standards, as I’ve called for today. As the United States is aggressively reforming our regulatory system, we will be working to ensure that the rest of the world does the same.A healthy economy in the 21st Century also depends upon our ability to buy and sell goods in markets across the globe. And make no mistake, this administration is committed to pursuing expanded trade and new trade agreements. It is absolutely essential to our economic future. But no trading system will work if we fail to enforce our trade agreements. So when, as happened this weekend, we invoke provisions of existing agreements, we do so not to be provocative or to promote self-defeating protectionism. We do so because enforcing trade agreements is part and parcel of maintaining an open and free trading system.And just as we have to live up to our responsibilities on trade, we have to live up to our responsibilities on financial reform as well. I have urged leaders in Congress to pass regulatory reform this year and both Congressman Frank and Senator Dodd, who are leading this effort, have made it clear that that’s what they intend to do. Now there will be those who defend the status quo. There will be those who argue we should do less or nothing at all. But to them I’d say only this: do you believe that the absence of sound regulation one year ago was good for the financial system? Do you believe the resulting decline in markets and wealth and employment was good for the economy? Or the American people?I’ve always been a strong believer in the power of the free market. I believe that jobs are best created not by government, but by businesses and entrepreneurs willing to take a risk on a good idea. I believe that the role of government is not to disparage wealth, but to expand its reach; not to stifle markets, but to provide the ground rules and level playing field that helps to make them more vibrant – and that will allow us to better tap the creative and innovative potential of our people. For we know that it is the dynamism of our people that has been the source of America’s progress and prosperity.So I certainly did not run for President to bail out banks or intervene in the capital markets. But it is important to note that the very absence of common-sense regulations able to keep up with a fast-paced financial sector is what created the need for that extraordinary intervention. The lack of sensible rules of the road, so often opposed by those who claim to speak for the free market, led to a rescue far more intrusive than anything any of us, Democrat or Republican, progressive or conservative, would have proposed or predicted.At the same time, what we must do now goes beyond just these reforms. For what took place one year ago was not merely a failure of regulation or legislation; it was not merely a failure of oversight or foresight. It was a failure of responsibility that allowed Washington to become a place where problems – including structural problems in our financial system – were ignored rather than solved. It was a failure of responsibility that led homebuyers and derivative traders alike to take reckless risks they couldn’t afford. It was a collective failure of responsibility in Washington, on Wall Street, and across America that led to the near-collapse of our financial system one year ago.Restoring a willingness to take responsibility – even when it is hard – is at the heart of what we must do. Here on Wall Street, you have a responsibility. The reforms I’ve laid out will pass and these changes will become law. But one of the most important ways to rebuild the system stronger than before is to rebuild trust stronger than before – and you do not have to wait for a new law to do that. You don’t have to wait to use plain language in your dealings with consumers. You don’t have to wait to put the 2009 bonuses of your senior executives up for a shareholder vote. You don’t have to wait for a law to overhaul your pay system so that folks are rewarded for long-term performance instead of short-term gains.The fact is, many of the firms that are now returning to prosperity owe a debt to the American people. Though they were not the cause of the crisis, American taxpayers through their government took extraordinary action to stabilize the financial industry. They shouldered the burden of the bailout and they are still bearing the burden of the fallout – in lost jobs, lost homes and lost opportunities. It is neither right nor responsible after you’ve recovered with the help of your government to shirk your obligation to the goal of wider recovery, a more stable system, and a more broadly shared prosperity.So I want to urge you to demonstrate that you take this obligation to heart. To put greater effort into helping families who need their mortgages modified under my administration’s homeownership plan. To help small business owners who desperately need loans and who are bearing the brunt of the decline in available credit. To help communities that would benefit from the financing you could provide, or the community development institutions you could support. To come up with creative approaches to improve financial education and to bring banking to those who live and work entirely outside the banking system. And, of course, to embrace serious financial reform, not fight it.Just as we are asking the private sector to think about the long term, Washington must as well. When my administration came through the door, we not only faced a financial crisis and costly recession, we also found waiting a trillion-dollar deficit. Yes, we have had to take extraordinary action in the wake of an extraordinary economic crisis. But I am committed to putting this nation on a sound and secure fiscal footing. That’s why we’re pushing to restore pay-as-you-go rules, because I will not go along with the old Washington ways which said it was OK to pass spending bills and tax cuts without a plan to pay for it. That’s why we’re cutting programs that don’t work or are out of date. And that’s why I’ve insisted that health insurance reform not add a dime to the deficit, now or in the future.There are those who would suggest that we must choose between markets unfettered by even the most modest of regulations – and markets weighed down by onerous regulations that suppress the spirit of enterprise and innovation. But if there is one lesson we can learn from the last year, it is that this is a false choice. Common-sense rules of the road do not hinder the markets but make them stronger. Indeed, they are essential to ensuring that our markets function, and function fairly and freely.One year ago, we saw in stark relief how markets can err; how a lack of common-sense rules can lead to excess and abuse; how close we can come to the brink. One year later, it is incumbent on us to put in place those reforms that will prevent this kind of crisis from ever happening again; that reflect the painful but important lessons we’ve learned; and that will help us move from a period of recklessness and crisis to one of responsibility and prosperity. That is what we must do. And I’m confident that is what we will do.Thank you.
Source: The White House
