Polish Americans

This is how Poland saved 13 Americans Operation Simoom CIA in IraQ 1990 Father Bush War

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 11 Dec 2009 16:58:33 EST

This is how Poland saved 13 Americans CIA in IraQ 1990 Operation Simoom real story

Poland of Europe are and will be the best and reliable allie of the United States in this new century

Have you ever heard about Operation Samum which the point was that to evacuate US officers from Iraq just before Desert Storm? That was Polish Intelligence Service big succes. General Gromos 2;aw Czempi 4;ski take out of Iraq US officers. He learned them to spell their "new" polish names because they were given new IDs and document. They have to act polish building workers. Polish officer told him to drink bottle of alcohole and say to Iraqi officer on border line that they are very happy cause they are coming back to Poland. They were very drunk but fortunatelly they spelled their new names correctly. Operation was succesful. US gerneral gave polish officers medals. Brits and other countries refused to make this operation.

For the Americans, Polish intelligence was the last chance-everyone else had already left Iraq as the atmosphere was too hot to handle. For the government in Warsaw, Operation Samum was an opportunity to show that Poland could be an equal partner and in the future a worthy NATO member.

A brilliant performance, what's better is the fact that:

Polish forces rescued not only CIA agents from Baghdad but also secret maps apparently so crucial that Operation Desert Storm could have had a different outcome if the mission had failed.

But even though it was a success, all the details of the operation will never see the light of day.

Operation Simoom[1] (Polish: Operacja Samum) was a top secret Polish intelligence operation conducted in Iraq in 1990.

In 1990 the CIA asked European intelligence agencies to assist in the withdrawal of six American operatives (a mix of CIA and DIA officers) investigating Iraqi troops movements in Iraq before the Gulf War (WP 1995). Several countries, such as Russia, Great Britain, and France refused to help in such a dangerous operation; only Poland agreed to help (WP 1995). The operation was very risky because if the cover were to be blown, all operatives were likely to be killed.

Poland had ties throughout Iraq because of construction work carried out there by Polish engineering companies (WP 1995) and sent a few operatives to start working on the operation. Gromos 2;aw Czempi 4;ski (WV 1999) became the commander of this operation, assigned to it by Polish Minister of Internal Affairs and first chief of Urząd Ochrony Pa 4;stwa, Krzysztof Koz 2;owski (WP 1995). Ironically, Czempi 4;ski has previously been a spy in the United States and either took part or led many operations against the Western intelligence services (WP 1995). The main plan was to reestablish contact with the hiding American spies and give them Polish passports so they could escape from Iraq in a bus, alongside Polish and Russian workers.

The escape came after the six agents spent weeks on the run in Kuwait and Baghdad (WP 1995). The operation was very difficult because the Iraqis started to suspect some kind of American-Polish intrigue (WP 1995).

The agents were given refuge at a Polish construction camp, and then provided with passports and put on a refugee bus. An Iraqi officer at checkpoint on the border had studied in Poland and spoke Polish well enough to communicate. When the bus arrived at the border, he asked one of the American spies a question in Polish. Since the spy did not know Polish at all, he pretended to be heavily drunk (another version states that the operative in question fainted). Nevertheless, the bus managed to cross the border with all occupants (WP 1995). Poles moved the agents out of Iraq and into the safety of Turkey (WP 1995). Operatives from both sides returned to their countries. Polish forces rescued not only the agents but also secret maps—detailed maps of Baghdad and particulars about military installations scattered throughout Iraq—apparently crucial for Operation Desert Storm. (WP 1995, WV 1999)

As a reward for Poland's help, the US government promised to cancel half, or $16.5 billion, of Poland's foreign debt (NYT 1995).

In at least two other operations, the Poles later aided another 15 foreigners to escape, mostly Britons, held hostage by the Iraqis as part of Saddam Hussein's "human shield" campaign to deter an allied invasion. (WP 1995)

Information about this operation was first revealed in 1995 by The Washington Post (NYT 1995, WV 1999). In 1999, Polish director W 2;adys 2;aw Pasikowski made a movie, Operacja Samum about this operation; it was the first Polish production co-financed by Warner Bros. and third by

Polish-Swedish Wars

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 11 Dec 2009 16:09:15 EST

Polish-Swedish Wars

Sabaton 40-1 ENGLISH SUBS

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 11 Dec 2009 15:42:05 EST

Sabaton 40-1 ENGLISH SUBS

historian Norman Davis

The Polish-Bolshevik War 1919-1921

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 11 Dec 2009 15:26:14 EST

The Polish-Bolshevik War 1919-1921

Until 1989, while communists held power in a People's Republic of Poland, the Polish-Soviet War was omitted or minimized in Polish and other Soviet bloc countries' history books, or was presented as foreign intervention during the Russian Civil War to fit in with communist ideology.
One of the most easily overlooked, yet momentous short wars of the 20th century was the swift-moving clash between the post-World War I Polish Republic and Russias brand-new Bolshevik regime of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Reaching a climax during the summer of 1920, the Russo-Polish War is often regarded as the final episode of the Russian Civil War. In fact, it was much more — at once a reflection of the age-old enmity between two Slavic neighbors and a Marxist crusade bent on varying the torch of revolution into the heart of Europe. The campaign featured a remarkable cast of characters on both sides and mixed ferocious cavalry charges with early blitzkrieg tactics in quest of exceptional objectives.Bolshevik commanders in the Red Army's coming offensive would include Leon Trotsky, Mikhail Tukhachevsky (new commander of the Western Front), the future Soviet ruler Joseph Stalin and the founder of the Cheka (secret police)Feliks Dzierży 4;ski.
Germany and France were war weary and were experiencing problems such as unemployment and general economic disruption. Lenin already had political agitators in those countries, but in order for his Revolution to succeed he would need the presence of a military force, the Red Army. It became apparent that Lenin was begining to win the Civil War in Russia and would soon be able to free up the Red Army for use in Europe.
The nature of this war and the significance of its outcome were not understood in the West at the time, and are still little known today. The war was both national and ideological. Its roots went back to the old Polish-Russian struggle over the borderlands, i.e. Lithuania, Belarus, and the Ukraine, which now took on a new significance. The war led to the Red Army's only real defeat, which meant that not only Poland and the Baltic states, but perhaps also Hungary and Czechoslovakia, were saved from Soviet domination at this time.
J.Pi 2;sudskis federalist concept was based on the assumption that the major threat to Eastern Europe was Soviet Russia and secondly Germany. Thus an association of countries had to be formed to prevent aggression. The union between Poland and Lithuania, including Belarus was supposed to be its basis. The next country included was to be independent Ukraine. Latvia and Estonia were to come later. The project was not completed as the countries in question were either too weak (Ukraine, Belarus) or did not want the federation (Lithuania). The later one preferred an independent national country. Pi 2;sudskis initiative, taken up many times within 4 years (1918/19191922) was the only alternative to the Moscow idea of considering the area between Russia and Germany as the territory of its influence.
At the very least Lenin wanted to recapture Poland and other lands(Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Belarus and Ukraine)lost as a result of Czarist Russia's defeat by Germany in WW I. It is widely believed that Lenin wanted to expand his Bolshevik empire beyond the former Russian boundries, using the Red Army as a tool to accomplish a wider Revolution. In a pre-emptive strike intended to stop the Bolsheviks, Jozef Pilsudski, the commander of Polish Forces, attacked the Bolsheviks in force in February 1919.
Western Europe, where revolutionary fever was boiling over on the streets, was spared a bloody fight for survival. Unfortunately, political and military significance of this victory was never fully appreciated by Europeans.
Polish allies were few. Hungary offered to send a 30,000 cavalry corps to Poland's aid, but the Czechoslovakian government refused to allow them through; some trains with weapon supplies from Hungary did, however, arrive in Poland.
In addition, shipments of military supplies, materials and armament sent as a form of military assistance by the Allies (most of it by France) were sabotaged by some countries (Germany, Czechoslovakia) under the pretence of neutrality, and by British and German workers converted to communism and manipulated by Soviet infiltrators.

Inka Polish Polish Underground soldier murdered

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 11 Dec 2009 14:32:05 EST

Doomed Soldiers died, Occupied Poland; What is AK, WiN, NSZ; ..... Danuta Siedzikowna "Inka", Polish Underground soldier murdered

By 2;a córką leśniczego i żo 2;nierza armii Andersa, Wac 2;awa Siedzika (zmar 2;ego w 1942) i Eugenii z Tymi 4;skich (zamordowanej przez Gestapo we wrześniu 1943). Uczy 2;a się w szkole powszechnej w Olchówce, a podczas wojny w szkole sióstr salezjanek w Różanymstoku k. Dąbrowy Bia 2;ostockej. Po zamordowaniu przez Gestapo jej matki, razem z siostrą Wies 2;awą wstąpi 2;a do AK (przysięgę z 2;oży 2;a w grudniu 1943 lub na początku 1944), gdzie odby 2;a szkolenie sanitarne. Po przejściu frontu podję 2;a pracę kancelistki w nadleśnictwie Hajnówka. Wraz z innymi pracownikami nadleśnictwa zosta 2;a w czerwcu 1945 aresztowana za wspó 2;pracę z antykomunistycznym podziemiem przez grupę NKWD-UB (dzia 2;ającą z polecenia zastępcy szefa WUBP w Bia 2;ymstoku, Eljasza Kotonia), a następnie zosta 2;a uwolniona z konwoju przez operujący na tym terenie patrol wile 4;skiej AK Stanis 2;awa Wo 2;oncieja "Konusa" (podkomendnych " 1;upaszki"), następnie jako sanitariuszka podję 2;a s 2;użbę w oddziale "Konusa", a potem w szwadronach por. Jana Mazura "Piasta" i por. Mariana Pluci 4;skiego "Mścis 2;awa"; przez krótki czas jej prze 2;ożonym by 2; także por. Leon Beynar "Nowina", zastępca " 1;upaszki", znany później jako Pawe 2; Jasienica. Danuta Siedzikówna przybra 2;a wówczas pseudonim "Inka".

Na prze 2;omie 1945/1946, zaopatrzona w dokumenty na nazwisko Danuta Obuchowicz, podję 2;a pracę w nadleśnictwie Mi 2;om 2;yn k. Ostródy. Wczesną wiosną 1946 nawiąza 2;a kontakt z ppor. Zdzis 2;awem Badochą "Żelaznym", dowódcą jednego ze szwadronów " 1;upaszki". Po śmierci "Żelaznego", zabitego podczas ob 2;awy UB 24 czerwca 1946, zosta 2;a wys 2;ana przez jego następcę, ppor. Olgierda Christę "Leszka" po zaopatrzenie medyczne do Gda 4;ska i tam aresztowana przez UB rankiem 20 lipca 1946, a następnie umieszczona w pawilonie V więzienia w Gda 4;sku jako więzie 4; specjalny. W śledztwie by 2;a bita i poniżana; mimo to odmówi 2;a sk 2;adania zezna 4; obciążających cz 2;onków brygad wile 4;skich AK. Zosta 2;a skazana na śmierć 21 sierpnia i zamordowana przez dowódcę plutonu egzekucyjnego ppor. Franciszka Sawickiego 28 sierpnia 1946 wraz z Feliksem Selmanowiczem ps. Zago 4;czyk, w więzieniu przy ul. Kurkowej w Gda 4;sku. Symboliczne miejsce pochówku jest na cmentarzu Garnizonowym w Gda 4;sku, obok Feliksa Selmanowicza ps. Zago 4;czyk. Miejsce to jest obok grobów żo 2;nierzy Polskich. Niestety nikt nie wie gdzie pochowana jest naprawdę. W Sopocie przy ul. Armii Krajowej znajduje się jej pomnik.

The Execution of Polish Underground Soldiers Danuta Siedzikowna "Inka" And Felix Selmanowicz "Zagonczyk" Related by Father Marian Prusak. (Pol. Egzekucja "Inki" i "Zagonczyka")
The Prologue

Fifty-five years ago in prison at Kurkowa Street in Gdansk, father Marian Prusak, today nearly a ninety-years-old retired priest living in Rumia, gave Last Rites to the seventeen year old Danuta Siedzikowna "Inka", and Feliks Selmanowicz "Zagonczyk", soldiers from Major Zygmunt Szendzielarz "Lupaszka's" detachment, as they were lead to their death. "Inka" was a medic in the "Zelazny" and "Leszek's" squadrons operating from spring until fall of 1946 in the Pomorze region. "Zagonczyk" was a young officer serving under Maj. "Lupaszka", responsible for logistics and planning. They were both shot during early morning hours on August 28, 1946 while insulted by young officers or officer candidates from the UB (pol. Urzad Bezpieczenstwa - Polish Secret Police).

Danuta Siedzikowna “Inka”, daughter of Waclaw and Eugenia Siedzikow (born Tuminski), was born on 13 September, 1928 in Gluszczewina village near Narewka in the Belsk Podlaski district. She attended elementary schools in Olechowka, and thereafter preparatory elementary school ran by Sisters of Salezjanek Order in Rozany Stok near Grodno. In December 1943 she was sworn as a Home Army soldier. Her father, who was a forest-ranger was deported to the Soviet Russia. In 1941 he reached the General Anders Army, but died from exhaustion after reaching Teheran. Her mother was arrested in November 1942 and shot by Gestapo in September 1943 for collaborating with the underground. During 1944/1945 she underwent medical training.

On June 6, 1945 she was arrested along with all employees of the forest inspectorate in Hainowka where she worked for aiding the "forest guerillas" (pol. "oddzial lesny" - Polish Armed Underground Units). While being transported to the UBP (pol. Urzad Bezpieczenstwa Publicznego - Ministry of Internal Security) headquarters in Bialystok she was freed along with a group of prisoners by the reconnaissance unit of the 5th Wilno Brigade of Home Army (AK), at that time subordinated to the Command of the Bialystok Region of Home Army lead by Stanislaw Wolonciej "Konus".

Under protection of Waclaw Beynar "Orszak" the freed prisoners reached the brigade's temporary locale in Spieszyn commanded by Major Zygmunt Szendzielarz "Lupaszka". After joining the unit she began her military service as a medic, under code-name "Inka". She fought in squadrons commanded by Lieutenant Jan Murk "Piast" and thereafter under Lieutenant Marian Plucinski "Mscislaw". In September 1945, after the brigade was disbanded, she traveled to Osztyn where she worked at the forest inspectorate in Milomlyn near Ostroda ,under assumed name "Danuta Obuchowicz".

However, already in January 1946, after the activities of the brigade were resumed (this time subordinated anew to the Extraterritorial District of Home Army in Wilno region), she began her military service as a nurse in the squadron of Second Lieutenant Zdzislaw Badocha "Zelazny", where she also served as a courier. "Inka" took part in many military operations surprising her commanding officers with her valor and caring - she tended not only to the wounded partisans, but also to the members of the People's Militia and soldiers of the communist Polish People's Army. On July 13, 1946 she received orders from the new commanding officer of her squadron, Lieutenant Olgierd Christa "Leszek" , to travel to Gdansk and procure new medical supplies and field dressings, and to secure replacement field maps. She was also to learn about medical condition of "Zelazny". She was arrested sometime in the late evening hours of July 19 or early [morning] hours of July 20,1946 as a result of information obtained by the UB from the arrested earlier nurse Regina Zylinska-Modras, code name "Regina". During the interrogation, "Inka" did not reveal even a single secret about her squadron, nor did she reveal any information about their whereabouts. Her expedited trial took place on August 3, 1946 in a prison before a District Military Court. She was accused, among other things for murdering wounded soldiers and inciting their execution. Despite lack of any evidence against her, she was sentenced to death. The plea for clemency was rejected by then Polish Communist Party First Secretary Boleslaw Bierut. "Inka's" death sentence was carried out on August 28, 1946.

Feliks Selmanowicz nom de guerre "Zagonczyk" was born on June 6, 1904 in Vilno, the son of Franciszek and Anna(born Zacharewicz). Feliks completed 5 grades of a secondary school – (pol. Gimnazium). In 1920, Feliks participated in the Polish-Soviet War. Right: Photo of Feliks Selmanowcz taken by Polish secret police, the Urzad Bezpieczenstwa, after his arrest.

During 1920-1939 he was attached to the II Department of General Staff of Polish Army. Between 1923-1939, he was employed as a civil servant. On August 25, 1939 he was mobilized and assigned to the Boarder Security Corps. (pol. KOP – Korpus Ochrony Pogranicza) with a rank of sergeant. Feliks Selmanowicz took active part in defense operations. After the hostilities ended, he was interned by Latvian government; escaped and came into contact with underground. In January 1940 he was arrested by Latvian police and released after 12 weeks for lack of evidence. From January 1944, he was a soldier of the III Wilno Brigade of Home Army under Gracjan Frog “Szczerbiec”, transferred to V Wilno Brigade of Home Army commanded by Zygmunt Zendzielarz “Lupaszka”, where he served as second in command of a platoon. Promoted to Second Lieutenant Cz. W. [during the war times - pol. cz.w - czasu wojny]; wounded in combat, commanded IV Brigade company commanded by Longin Wojciechowski “Ronin” where he remained until the brigade was disarmed by Soviets on July 18, 1944. Interned at Kaluga, but managed to escape on April 20, 1945. During 1945-1946 established contact with “Lupaszka” and V Wilno Brigade of the Home Army where he took command of an independent 5-men reconnaissance and diversion unit responsible for acquisition of provisions for the brigade. From March to August 1946 his unit conducted many expropriation activities in Gdansk, Olsztyn, and Tczewo as a result of which his unit secured two hand pistols and money which were delivered to underground units operating in the area. On orders from Major “Lupaszka”, from May 1946, “Zagonczyk” was responsible for propaganda efforts, among which was publication and distribution of 900 leaflets addressed to the communist soldiers. Arrested on July 11, 1946 in Gdansk, he was charged with possession of firearms, membership in outlawed organization, political subversion, issuing orders, armed assaults, as well as publishing and distribution of illegal leaflets. An improvised summary trial took place on August 18, 1946 before the Gdansk’s District Military Court. The plea for clemency was rejected by Bierut and the death sentence was carried out - even before it was reviewed. The execution was carried out on August 28, 1946 in the jail’s basement. Feliks Selmanowicz was awarded the Central Latvia Army Cross(pol. Krzyz Wojsk Litwy Srodkowej), Medal for 1918-1920 War (pol. Medal za Wojne 1918-1920), the Service Medal (pol. Medal za Dlugoletnia Sluzbe), the Tenth Anniversary Medal (1932) (pol. Medal Dziesieciolecia), and the Cross of Valor (pol. Krzyz Walecznych) in 1944.

Murdered For the Second Time

As if it wasn't enough that they were already murdered, their memory was being desecrated for years in the communist publications, where they were depicted as common criminals. In fact, it wasn't any different for the rest of the "Lupaszka's" Brigade, even at the beginning of the last decade - and well into the 90s. In 1969 the book, "A frontline without trenches" (pol. "Front bez okopow") was published in Gdansk by Jan Bobczenko (former head of the Koscierzyn's UB office - Ministry of Public Security). It was heavily tainted with false UB propaganda, e.g that "Inka" for example, participated in the execution of UB functionaries at Stara Kiszewa.

Danuta Siedzikowna "Inka", Medic in the V Wilno Brigade of the Home Army.

She is depicted as having a "sadistic smile" on her face, is "stocky", "of "dark complexion", and has a "scar" on her cheek. In her hand sparkles "oxidized black steel of a revolver". (page 189) This entire scene is of course made up, as in reality, "Inka" was a slim, attractive brunette and didn't have a scar on her face. "Inka” never shot at anyone …!

The Way

A unique and disturbing account of Rev. Prusak constitutes a valuable addition to our story about the secrets of the Polish secret police underground prison dungeons at the Kurkowa Street ("Bulletin of IPN nr. 2 and 3). Father Prusak, was an active participant in the Warsaw Uprising - accused of espionage, he found himself in prison in 1949. Sentenced to 6 years, he served 3.5 years. He says that he lived this long to be able to tell the story of "Inka", and because "God wanted that ..."

Narrative by Rev. Marian Prusak: Above: Rev. Marian Prusak "It was at night when they arrived - one, or maybe two o-clock . They [the UB] took me from my flat in Wrzeszcz where I was living with an old friend, Rev. Zebracki - at that time a chaplain at the garrison church in Wrzeszcz. Two officers and a driver arrived. [Religious] participation [in the administration of the Last Rites] before the execution [of the condemned] was offered to me the day before, since the chaplain was absent. I accepted their proposition reluctantly, even though it is my responsibility as a priest. And then we traveled to Gdansk. During the trip they didn't speak with me. Perhaps, because we had nothing in common to discus. When I was being driven back, we were also silent. I don't know if these particular officers participated in the execution. They didn't introduce themselves, or maybe they did, but I was mesmerized by the moment."The Confession

"This was my one and only time giving Last Rites before the execution. When I found myself at the jail [at Kurkowa Street], I sat in isolation for maybe an hour. After that, they came for me - I was living through what was to come. The jail's section head (pol. Oddzialowy) first lead me to this man (Feliks Selmonowicz). When I entered the cell, I saw this bitterly sad look on his face. The first words with which he greeted me were 'Oh well, they didn't commute my sentence ...' I heard his confession. He was at peace. Maybe he was only hiding being nervous, but he didn't show it on the outside. During this entire time I was bothered by the realization that they [the secret police] might be observing us through the pinhole.

'Then I was lead (I don't remember how, because I was dazed) to the cell in which a young, slim girl was wearing summer dress. She [Danuta Siedzikowna] was awaiting her death. She received me very calmly, confessed, and then asked me for a favor. She wanted me to let her sister know about her sentence and her death. She was saying this as if she was still confessing. We both felt that they might be observing us. She gave me an address in Gdansk Wrzeszcz, near the Institute of Technology, on Wlasna Strzecha Street. I couldn't write anything down, and I tried to remember this address. At the same time she told me that she sent a card to notify [her family], but didn't know if it will reach them. She didn't say anything else, and didn't complain about anything.

The face of the girl, I remember as through the fog; the face of the man, I remember very well. He was closed up, tense, and profoundly affected by the approaching death. 'Inka' didn't say anything at all. Maybe, if I was better prepared and asked something. But, it was a completely new experience for me; I didn't know how to act. Later they [the UB] took me downstairs where I was before. I waited again, maybe an hour? A person in such situation looses sense of time. It was night. When I was incarcerated [myself at the later time], I was told that the executions were carried out during night, and not in the morning). In the end I was lead through a narrow descent into what looked like a cellar."

Into the Traitors of the Motherland…

"They were already there. I think they were handcuffed, or had their hands tied. I had a crucifix with me and gave it to them to kiss. They [the UB] wanted to cover their eyes, but they [the sentenced] refused. Near them waited a bunch of men so it was little crowded. There was a military prosecutor and many young UB men. They placed these two unfortunate ones against small stakes. In the corner was a small table where the prosecutor read decision for the sentence, and gave order to carry out the execution. There was, what looked like, a small recess, bare red bricks, there were stakes about half a man’s height. They stood them against them; I don’t remember if they were tied to them. Those who were there didn't respect the seriousness of the moment. They were shouting obscenities towards the condemned while the prosecutor read the sentence and announced that the request for commutation was rejected. His last words were: 'Into the traitors of the motherland, fire!' At this moment the condemned shouted, as if they had earlier agreed: 'Long live Poland!' After that guns fired, they slumped to the ground. Two or three soldiers shot; I think with Pe-Pe-Sha [PPSh-41 - Soviet submachine gun], from a short distance of maybe 3-4 meters. I remember that the floor was red, made of what looked like tiles; in the middle was a small groove, I think to allow blood to drain out. They [“Inka” and “Zagonczyk”] collapsed. I couldn't look at it, but I remember that both of them were still alive. Then, an officer approached and finished them off with a shot to the head. I don’t know who it was. I couldn't bare it. I remember only that a name was mentioned; I think Suchocki, and that this man wore a uniform. I tend to think that it was the prosecutor who [earlier] red the sentence . I stood surrounded by a group of people around me, and my view was somewhat obstructed. I didn't know that next to me stood a doctor. Later, I had to sign a statement about the execution. Right after that they lead me out. I don’t remember how I got to the car; I don’t know if I was riding with those who brought me there. No one spoke to me in the car".

The Message

"I didn't bring information about 'Inka's' death to her sister right away. For a whole week I lived in shock. At the end I collected myself; and in regular clothes, in the afternoon, I knocked on the door to her flat. The door opened; there were about 10 people there; they were young. I stated that I would like to speak with the woman of the house. A woman older than them stepped forward and I gave her the information. She responded: 'We know, the card came.' This was it. I returned home. When I was later arrested, they [the UB] reminded me about this visit during investigation. Therefore, I was continuously under surveillance.

I didn't share this with many people. I didn't even tell my own family. I kept it inside of me. I lived through the death of 'Inka' and 'Zagonczyk' as if they were closest to me. I am glad that now I am able to tell about it, and that that the memory of these people will not perish."

***

Photo left: Monument erected in memory of Danuta Siedzikowna “Inka”, the Home Army Street in Sopot, Poland.

(1) Most likely Major Wiktor Suchocki, prosecutor of the District Military Court in Gdansk.

(2) Reverend Marian Prusak is perhaps in error, as the commanding officer of the firing squad was Franciszek Sawicki.

Based on: (IPN) Bulletin Nr. 6-2001. "Underground And Civil Resistance in Poland 1944-1956," Biographical Dictionary, Vol

Hitler Gold stollen history

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 11 Dec 2009 13:52:49 EST

Gryf od Poland

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 11 Dec 2009 12:33:11 EST

Zapomniana historia. Zdeptana pamięć. 1/3

Reportaż o największej organizacji podziemnej na Pomorzu "Gryfie Pomorskim" oraz o zniszczeniu pomnika jego dowódcy por. Dambka

Najwiekszy Przywodca Polonii Jan Kobylanski USOPAL.COM vs Minister MSZ Radoslaw Sikorski dlaczego PO niszcza Polonie?

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 11 Dec 2009 11:47:43 EST

Najwiekszy Przywodca Polonii Jan Kobylanski USOPAL.COM vs Minister MSZ Radoslaw Sikorski dlaczego PO niszcza Polonie?

G 2;os z Krakowa
prof. dr hab. inż. Janusz Kawecki (2009-12-09) Inna audycja

Najwiekszy Przywodca Polonii Jan Kobylanski USOPAL.COM vs Minister Radoslaw Sikorski.
WNIOSKI KO 3;COWE XV WALNEGO ZEBRANIA UNII STOWARZYSZE 3; I ORGANIZACJI POLSKICH AMERYKI 1;ACI 3;SKIEJ – USOPA 1;
wtorek, 08 grudnia 2009 16:35 *

P.O. BOX 1717, Fax: (5982) 711 19 03, Tel: (5982) 710 3712,
Montevideo – Uruguay
Uczestnicy XV Walnego Zebrania USOPA 1; z Argentyny, Brazylii, Chile, Paragwaju i Urugwaju, oraz zaproszeni goście z Francji, Kanady, Polski i USA, zgromadzeni w duchu chrześcija 4;skim, postanawiają:

1. Wyrazić ponowny stanowczy protest wobec wprowadzenia przez polski MSZ tzw. „czarnej listy” w stosunku do dzia 2;aczy i organizacji polonijnych należących lub wspó 2;pracujących z USOPA 1;-em. Istnienie takiej listy potwierdzi 2;y informacje p 2;ynące z wielu stron, w tym od uczestniczących w Walnym Zebraniu polskich pos 2;ów i senatorów. Wobec tego skandalicznego dzia 2;ania dzielącego Polaków wg kryteriów politycznych i nadużywania instytucji pa 4;stwa Polskiego do prywatnych porachunków, uczestnicy Walnego Zebrania kierują w tej sprawie list do Prezydenta RP Lecha Kaczy 4;skiego;

2. Podkreślić konieczność zacieśnienia więzów instytucjonalnych miedzy Polską a Polonią, tym bardziej koniecznych dziś, w sytuacji, gdy Polska jest zagrożona i osamotniona. Istotnym postulatem realizującym tę potrzebę jest utworzenie odrębnych okręgów wyborczych dla Polonii, z których mogliby być wybrani przedstawiciele polonijni do Sejmu i Senatu. Okazją do wprowadzenia stosownych zmian są rozpoczynające się w polskim parlamencie prace nad nowelizacją Konstytucji RP. XV Walne Zebranie USOPA 1; zwraca się z apelem do pos 2;ów i senatorów o zg 2;oszenie stosownych propozycji.

3. Przyjąć propozycje prezesa „Juventusu”, Mariana Kurzaca, zorganizowania V Kongresu USOPA 1; w Kurytybie, największym skupisku emigracji polskiej w Brazylii, w maju 2010 roku, w czasie trwania obchodów 112 rocznicy powstania największej i najstarszej organizacji polonijnej Ameryki 1;aci 4;skiej.

4. Zwrócić się do wszystkich środowisk patriotycznych, narodowych i chrześcija 4;skich w Polsce o konsolidację si 2; i wystawienie w zbliżających się wyborach prezydenckich jednego wspólnego kandydata.

5. Zaapelować do wszystkich środowisk polonijnych o nieuleganie akcjom zewnętrznym i wewnętrznym prowadzącym do rozbijania i manipulowania; naszą odpowiedzią na tego typu dzia 2;ania powinna być wzajemna solidarność i budowanie jedności wokó 2; wspólnych celów.

6. Podkreślić wagę oświadczenia wyg 2;oszonego przez Mec. Andrzeja Lew-Mirskiego o jego determinacji w obronie dobrego imienia prezesa Jana Kobyla 4;skiego oraz USOPA 1; na wokandzie sądowej w toczącym się procesie przeciwko oszczercom ze świata polityki i mediów oraz w innych wystąpieniach publicznych; wyrazić solidarność z potrzebą i ideą dzia 2;a 4; neutralizujących nies 2;uszne ataki i udzielić wszechstronnego poparcia tym osobom i organizacjom, które takie dzia 2;ania prowadzą.

7. Podziękować Panu Prezydentowi Urugwaju, Tabaré Vázquez, oraz Nuncjuszowi Apostolskiemu Arcybiskupowi Januszowi Bolonkowi, za pozdrowienia skierowane do uczestników XV Walnego Zebrania a także Ordynariuszowi Diecezji Maldonado Biskupowi Rudolfowi Wirtzowi za odprawienie Mszy Św. i wyg 2;oszenie homilii.

8. Przekazać s 2;owa wdzięczności O. dr Tadeuszowi Rydzykowi, dyrektorowi Radia Maryja wraz z gratulacjami z okazji XVIII rocznicy powstania tak ważnej i zas 2;użonej dla Kościo 2;a i Narodu Rozg 2;ośni.

9. Zaznaczyć olbrzymi wk 2;ad prof. Jerzego Roberta Nowaka w obronę dobrego imienia oraz przedstawianie prawdy o dzia 2;alności i dorobku prezesa Jana Kobyla 4;skiego i USOPAL, szczególnie w wydanych ostatnio książkach: „Potępiany za patriotyzm. Sylwetka Jana Kobyla 4;skiego” i w książce z okazji XV lat istnienia USOPA 1;.

10. Podziękować za obecność i aktywny udzia 2; w obradach: senatorom Czes 2;awowi Ryszce, Waldemarowi Krasce, i pos 2;owi Bogus 2;awowi Kowalskiemu. Ich postawa jest dla nas dowodem, ze w polskich elitach politycznych istnieją osoby i środowiska troszczące się o narodowa jedność oraz ws 2;uchujące się w glos Polonii. – Daje to nadzieję na przysz 2;ość; Przekazać również podziękowania Rektorowi Polskiej Misji Katolickiej we Francji – ks. Inf. Stanis 2;awowi Jeżowi, księżom i ojcom w Radia Maryja oraz tygodnika katolickiego „Niedziela”, profesorom: Zdzis 2;awowi Janowi Rynowi, Luisowi Albertowi Matuli, wiceprzewodniczącemu Rady Miasta Kurytyba Tito Zeglinowi, Krzysztofowi Koczwarze, Józefowi Guzikowi, Andrzejowi Szczerbie, Gen. Janowi Grudniewskiemu, sta 2;ej wspó 2;pracowniczce USOPA 1;, prezes Krystynie Pisera z Paragwaju, oraz wszystkim pozosta 2;ym zaproszonym gościom.

Maldonado, 3.12.2009

Kolejna rozprawa dotycząca oszczerstw wobec Jana Kobyla 4;skiego
prof. dr hab. Jerzy Robert Nowak (2009-05-08)
Aktualności dnia
s 2;uchajzapisz
przedstawicieli, jak choćby Jana Kobyla 4;skiego, prezesa Unii Stowarzysze 4; i Organizacji Polskich w Ameryce 1;aci 4;skiej. Do takich wniosków doszli uczestnicy XIII Forum Polonijnego w Toruniu. Zwie 4;czeniem trzydniowego zjazdu by 2;o ods 2;onięcie popiersia gen. Augusta Emila Fieldorfa "Nila", który ufundowa 2;a Polonia z Wielkiej Brytanii. Forum zorganizowa 2;y Wyższa Szko 2;a Kultury Spo 2;ecznej i Medialnej oraz Polskie Stowarzyszenie Morskie-Gospodarcze im. Eugeniusza Kwiatkowskiego.

Jan Kobyla 4;ski, prezes USOPA 1;, ze względów zdrowotnych nie móg 2; przybyć na spotkanie z przedstawicielami środowisk polskich z ca 2;ego świata. Reprezentowali go wiceprezes Anna Sztaba i Leonor Adami, dyrektor ds. publicznych i administracji USOPA 1;. List od prezesa odczyta 2; p 2;k Leopold Bi 2;ozur, prezes Związku Polskich Kombatantów w Argentynie. Kobyla 4;ski podkreśla 2; w nim donios 2;e znaczenie wspó 2;pracy USOPA 1; z Radiem Maryja, Telewizją Trwam i WSKSiM, które są "ogniwami prawdy i polskości". "Dzięki tym dzie 2;om wielu Polaków rozsianych po ca 2;ym świecie ma 2;ączność z Ojczyzną każdego dnia. To wielka praca, Ojcze Dyrektorze" - napisa 2; Jan Kobyla 4;ski. Prezes poinformowa 2; również o tym, że USOPA 1; ufundowa 2;a stypendia dla dwudziestu studentów WSKSiM.

Do trudnej sytuacji Polski i braku szacunku jej najwyższych w 2;adz dla Polonii z Ameryki 1;aci 4;skiej nawiąza 2; prof. Jerzy Robert Nowak, który poprosi 2; uczestników sesji o poparcie apelu do Rados 2;awa Sikorskiego, ministra spraw zagranicznych, by ten przeprosi 2; Kobyla 4;skiego za liczne oszczerstwa wysuwane pod jego adresem w książce "Strefa zdekomunizowana". Sygnatariusze tego listu "protestują przeciwko skrajnym przyk 2;adom lekceważenia, dyskryminowania, a nawet próbom poniżania zas 2;użonych przywódców polonijnych przez wp 2;ywowe osoby z kręgów rządzących w Polsce". I żądają jak najszybszego odwo 2;ania przez ministra Sikorskiego oszczerstw i k 2;amstw godzących w dobre imię prezesa USOPA 1;. "Rados 2;aw Sikorski powinien jak najszybciej przeprosić prezesa Kobyla 4;skiego za swe niewybredne, agresywne określenia rzucane pod jego adresem. Tego wymagają interesy Polski" - odczyta 2; list prof. Nowak.

Do apelu przy 2;ączy 2; się kpt. ż.w. Zbigniew Sulatycki, który przyby 2; do Torunia zaraz po uroczystości przyjęcia go w poczet kawalerów Zakonu Bożogrobców. Mówi 2; o dyskryminowaniu Polonii z Ameryki 1;aci 4;skiej przez w 2;adze Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. - Obecnie MSZ robi wszystko, by sk 2;ócić mieszkających tam Polaków.- zauważy 2; kpt. Sulatycki.

Jednym z gości spotkania by 2; Marian Kurzac, prezes Stowarzyszenia Juventus z Brazylii, który na antenie Radia Maryja informowa 2; o dyskryminowaniu jego stowarzyszenia przez ministerstwo spraw zagranicznych. - Nie mamy żadnej pomocy ze strony polskiego rządu. Dzia 2;amy sami, na w 2;asny koszt. Zamiast pomóc, polskie w 2;adze nam przeszkadzają. Dlatego, że pracujemy dla Polski, Polonii i w imię Polski, dostajemy "po nosie" - mówi 2; prezes Juventusu. - Znajdujemy się na czarnych listach Rados 2;awa Sikorskiego. Nie wiemy, dlaczego. Jeśli chodzi o jakiekolwiek polskie święta, to konsulaty nie mogą nas zapraszać. Nie mają z nami żadnych kontaktów, a to dlatego, że jesteśmy zjednoczeni w jednej organizacji - USOPA 1;. Trwa to już od roku. Placówki dyplomatyczne chcia 2;yby z nami wspó 2;pracować, lecz jest to zabronione - podkreśli 2; Marian Kurzac.

Szczególne poruszenie wśród uczestników Forum wywo 2;a 2; dramatyczny list inż. Jerzego Skoryny, wielkiego patrioty i dzia 2;acza polonijnego z Meksyku. Poinformowa 2; on o swoim wielkim żalu z powodu marnotrawienia przez obecne w 2;adze Polski ca 2;ego wspania 2;ego dorobku pokolenia okresu międzywojennego. Pismo zaprezentowa 2; prof. Zdzis 2;aw Ryn, by 2;y ambasador w Argentynie. "Teraz szykuje się nowy zamach na Polskę. Jej wrogowie chcą zrabować naszą walutę - z 2;otówkę, zniewalając nas euro. Ca 2;y Naród Polski musi bronić mojej waluty, jaką jest z 2;otówka. Pytam się, co zrobiono z moim przemys 2;em, marynarką, lotnictwem, Centralnym Okręgiem Przemys 2;owym i kolejnictwem? Coście zrobili z moją Ojczyzną? Gdzie są dobra mojego pokolenia międzywojennego?" - pyta 2; dramatycznie w swoim liście Skoryna.

Na spotkaniu nie zabrak 2;o polityków wspierających środowiska polskie za granicą. Obecni byli m.in. senatorowie PiS: Ryszard Bender, Czes 2;aw Ryszka, Zdzis 2;aw Pupa, Waldemar Kraska, pos 2;owie: Joachim Brudzi 4;ski, Arkadiusz Mularczyk, Anna Sobecka, Jan Szyszko, Zbigniew Ziobro, oraz europarlamentarzyści: Urszula Krupa, Marcin Libicki i Witold Tomczak. Na Forum przyby 2; także ks. infu 2;at Ireneusz Skubiś, redaktor naczelny tygodnika "Niedziela".

List od przewodniczącego Przemys 2;awa Gosiewskiego w imieniu Klubu Parlamentarnego PiS odczyta 2;a pose 2; Izabela Kloc. Szef klubu zapewnia 2; o szczególnym zainteresowaniu jego partii sprawami Polonii. "Polacy mieszkający za granicą są wielkimi ambasadorami naszego kraju. Polacy, którym przysz 2;o żyć poza ojczyzną, z dala od swoich rodzinnych stron, są ważną częścią polskiego spo 2;ecze 4;stwa" - zapewni 2; Gosiewski.

Uczestnicy Forum Polonijnego z 2;ożyli w sobotę ho 2;d Janowi Paw 2;owi II podczas uroczystej Mszy Świętej pod przewodnictwem ks. bp. Antoniego Pacyfika Dydycza OFM Cap., ordynariusza drohiczy 4;skiego. Z kolei wczoraj na dziedzi 4;cu Domu S 2;owa ods 2;onięto popiersie gen. Augusta Emila Fieldorfa "Nila", którego dokona 2;a jego córka - Maria Fieldorf-Czarska wraz z fundatorką monumentu Elżbietą Kasprzycką. Ojciec doktor Krzysztof Bieli 4;ski CSsR, rektor WSKSiM, zaznaczy 2; podczas przemówienia, że postać tego jednego z najwybitniejszych żo 2;nierzy Polski Podziemnej jest wspania 2;ym przyk 2;adem patriotyzmu i wzorcem do naśladowania dla naszej m 2;odzieży.

Jacek Dytkowski
"Nasz Dziennik"

OŚWIDCZENIE PREZESA JANA KOBYLA 3;SKIEGO
Napisa 2; Jan Kobyla 4;ski
OŚWIDCZENIE PREZESA JANA KOBYLA 3;SKIEGO W SPRAWIE OPUBLIKOWANEGO KOLEJNEGO OSZCZERSTWA W GAZECIE WYBORCZEJ W DNIU 27.03.09

W odniesieniu do opublikowanego w Gazecie Wyborczej 27.03.09, kolejnego oszczerstwa na moją osobę, chcę oświadczyć co następuje:

1. W fa 2;szywce rzekomego doniesienia MSW Paragwaju napisano, że w czasie II wojny światowej mieszka 2;em w Austrii i we W 2;oszech. (Osoby, które napisa 2;y to k 2;amstwo udowodni 2;y swoją g 2;upotę i nieznajomość faktów. W ca 2;ej, liczącej tysiące stron dokumentacji, dotyczącej mojej osoby, można znaleźć następujące fakty: kiedy rozpoczę 2;a się II Wojna Światowa mia 2;em 16 lat i mieszka 2;em w Równem na Wo 2;yniu i potem przez 3 lata mieszka 2;em w Warszawie, gdzie studiowa 2;em w tajnym liceum prywatnym Zaorskiego- zakazanym przez Niemców. Mając 20 lat zosta 2;em aresztowany przez Gestapo i jako więzie 4; polityczny by 2;em więziony w suterenach w znanym więzieniu Pawiaku.

Stamtąd zosta 2;em przewieziony do Auschwitz gdzie mi wytatuowano na ramieniu numer: 156228. Potem w różnych transportach przewożono mnie do innych obozów. W kwietniu 1945 roku zosta 2;em uwolniony przez wojska alianckie ze znanego obozu koncentracyjnego Dachau pod Monachium w Niemczech. Po uwolnieniu z obozu, jako wolny cz 2;owiek pracowa 2;em ciężko i uczciwie i zawsze walczy 2;em w imię moich przekona 4; patriotycznych, katolickich i polskich.
Z ca 2;ego tego okresu wojennego posiadam dokumenty z między narodowej organizacji Czerwonego Krzyża ze Szwajcarii, które są publicznie znane i które w swoim czasie zosta 2;y wys 2;ane bezpośrednio z Czerwonego Krzyża do Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych.
Trudno zrozumieć, jak można by 2;o posunąć się do wypisywania takich k 2;amstw i bzdur, że podczas II Wojny Światowej mieszka 2;em w Austrii i we W 2;oszech. Jedynie osoba z chorą mentalnością może wymyślać i wypisywać takie bzdury i idiotyczne k 2;amstwa. Poza tym w fa 2;szywce, drukowanej w „Gazecie Wyborczej” podano, że w roku 1953 mia 2;em 44 lata, Znaczy 2;oby to, że dziś mia 2;bym ponad 100 lat- urodzi 2;em się w 1923 roku w Równem.)
2. W fa 2;szywce napisano, że posiada 2;em jakoby paszport polski i go używa 2;em nadal w roku 1953. Ja nigdy po roku 1952 nie pos 2;ugiwa 2;em się, ani w Ameryce Po 2;udniowej, ani na ca 2;ym świecie polskim paszportem wydanym przez komunistyczny rząd okupacyjny. Po 1990 roku potwierdzi 2;em moje polskie obywatelstwo i otrzyma 2;em nowy paszport polski, kiedy już Polska mia 2;a tak zwane rządy demokratyczne; Sejm i Senat.

3. Z ca 2;kowitą fantazją graniczy stwierdzenie, jakobym rozpoczą 2; dzia 2;alność handlową na rachunek Związku Sowieckiego. Moje przekonania nigdy się nie zmieni 2;y. Zawsze by 2;em polskim patriotą i ze względu na okupacje Polski przez komunistów nie wróci 2;em do Ojczyzny.

4. Kolejną absurdalną fantazją jest, że otrzymywa 2;em kredyty na setki milionów lirów.

5. Rekordy nonsensu pope 2;ni 2; autor fa 2;szywki twierdząc, że rzekomo zap 2;aci 2;em innym agentom sowieckim 300 tysięcy dolarów. Nigdy w moim życiu nie us 2;ysza 2;em równie wielkiej bzdury, sugerującej jakoby agenci p 2;acili swoim szefom tak wielkie wręcz astronomiczne sumy. Jak wiem, normalnie jest akurat na odwrót. W dniu dzisiejszym możemy sobie tylko wyobrazić ile by dziś wynosi 2;o 300 tysięcy dolarów. Dziś stanowi 2;oby to sumę równowartości 10 milionów dolarów. Piszę to, aby lepiej uwidocznić rozmiary tego k 2;amstwa.
6. Milenko Timich by 2; Jugos 2;owianinem, uchodźcą politycznym, kapitanem w wojsku regularnym jugos 2;owia 4;skim jeszcze podczas panowania monarchii w Jugos 2;awii. By 2; jednym z pomocników Genera 2;a Mihailovica, który walczy 2; w Jugos 2;awii przeciwko Niemcom i potem przeciwko komuniście TITO. Genera 2; Mihailovic jest znaną osobistością z II Wojny Światowej. By 2; sojusznikiem Anglików i Aliantów. Ze względu na swoje w 2;asne interesy nies 2;usznie i podstępnie wydali go komunistom, którzy go rozstrzelali w Jugos 2;awii.
Wraz z innymi pomocnikami Genera 2;a Mihailovica, kapitan Timich zosta 2; uwięziony. Sowieci zawieźli go do Moskwy a tam zamknęli w okropnym więzieniu 1;ubiance znanym na ca 2;ym świecie.
Po jakimś czasie uda 2;o mu się uciec. Przez Turcję dotar 2; do W 2;och gdzie jako uchodźca polityczny by 2; znany wśród wszystkich uchodźców jugos 2;owia 4;skich i uznawany za bohatera jako wspó 2;pracownik zamordowanego Genera 2;a Mihailovica.
Timich oko 2;o roku 1950 rozpoczą 2; pracę jako mój pracownik, jeden z sekretarzy, w Mediolanie oraz licznych firmach jakie w tym czasie posiada 2;em. Potem przyjecha 2; do Paragwaju gdzie przez jakiś czas pracowa 2; ze mną i ze względów osobistych rozstaliśmy się i zako 4;czyliśmy naszą wspó 2;pracę. Timich ożeni 2; się z Niemką i wyemigrowa 2; do Brazylii.

7. Z fa 2;szywki wynika, że rząd austriacki wyda 2; rozporządzenie aresztowania mnie. Po raz kolejny autor fa 2;szywki k 2;amiąc, obnaża swoją g 2;upotę. To kolejny absurdalny wymys 2;. Przez ostatnie 50 lat prawie każdego roku podróżowa 2;em i podróżuje do Austrii ponieważ bardzo lubię austriackie i węgierskie operetki. Zawsze zatrzymywa 2;em się w luksusowych i znaczących hotelach pięciogwiazdkowych i najbardziej znanych w Wiedniu takich jak: SACHER, HILTON, EXCELSIOR, ASTORIA co 2;atwo można sprawdzić. Po raz kolejny autor podkreśla swoją g 2;upotę. Jeśli by 2;bym podejrzany o przestępstwa, to czyż przez 50 lat w 2;adze austriackie nie zareagowa 2;yby na moją obecność w ich kraju?
8. Kompletną bzdurą jest twierdzenie, że prowadzi 2;em nieczysty handel- kontrabandę z W 2;och do Paragwaju i że niby prowadzi 2;em handel bronią, narkotykami i fa 2;szywymi paszportami.

9. W owej fa 2;szywce napisano, że posiada 2;em fa 2;szywy paszport panamski. Jest to absurdalnym k 2;amstwem. Owszem by 2;em ożeniony z Panamką, bratanicą Prezydenta Panamy- Arias jednak panamskiego paszportu nigdy nie mia 2;em. To wszystko można sprawdzić bardzo 2;atwo.

10. Kolejnym k 2;amstwem jest stwierdzenie, że wymieniona fa 2;szywka zosta 2;a jakoby podpisana przez Prokuratora Generalnego Republiki Austrii. Nie podano nawet nazwiska tego prokuratora. Jest to swego rodzaju ukoronowaniem poprzednich dziesięciu k 2;amstw.

11. Oskarżająca mnie fa 2;szywka zosta 2;a rzekomo sporządzona w 1953 r., jak to się akcentuje w tym jakoby rządowym dokumencie. Wed 2;ug fa 2;szywki mia 2;em w 1953 roku rzekomo 44 lata. Osoba, która to stwierdzi 2;a „popisa 2;a się” nadzwyczajną to nieznajomością najprostszych zasad matematyki pisząc, zaraz po doniesieniu, że mam 44 lata- urodzi 2;em się w 1923 roku. W 1953 roku mia 2;em 30 lat. Gdybym w 1953 roku mia 2; 44 lata dziś mia 2;bym już ponad 100!!

12. Kolejnym k 2;amstwem jest to, że by 2;em jakoby ożeniony ze szczup 2;ą blondynką, rozwódką, etc. Jest to kolejne g 2;upstwo, bardzo 2;atwe do sprawdzenia. Ożeni 2;em się tylko jeden raz w moim życiu. Mia 2;o to miejsce w Urugwaju z M. Arias, konsul panamską w Urugwaju, bratanicą Prezydenta Panamy Arias, córką mojego osobistego przyjaciela. Idąc śladem „doniesienia” odkrywam kolejną fantazję: że jakoby odwiedza 2;em bardzo często lokal „ El Pais”. Nigdy o takim lokalu w moim życiu nie s 2;ysza 2;em.
Prawdą jest, że do Paragwaju przyjecha 2;em na podpisany kontrakt z rządem Paragwajskim, którego przedstawicielem by 2; Dr. R.L. Petit, który podpisa 2; kontrakt ze mną jak i z innymi siedmioma przedsiębiorcami i przemys 2;owcami (którzy podpisali kontrakty w Rzymie, Wiedniu, Paryżu i Mediolanie.) Kiedy przyjechaliśmy do Paragwaju na kontrakty w 1952 roku, Dr. R.L.Petit niestety już nie by 2; ministrem i pe 2;ni 2; w tym czasie już inną funkcję rządową.
W fa 2;szywce jest napisane, że ja przywioz 2;em ze sobą samochody. Jest tu ma 2;a cząstka prawdy w ca 2;ej fa 2;szywce, oczywistym jest, że każdy z nas przywióz 2; ze sobą samochody prywatne, meble etc. Przywioz 2;em ze sobą nowy samochód marki BUICK model 1951, z rejestracją USA B.S. 5545 y także LAND ROVERA model 1951 numer 1455.
W tym czasie taki samochód jak BUICK by 2; samochodem luksusowym, który możemy porównać, że dziś by kosztowa 2; 100 tysięcy dolarów i jeszcze JEEP LAND ROVER ( najlepszy jaki jest) i oczywistym jest, że w 2;aścicielem takich pojazdów mog 2;a być tylko osoba majętna.
Poza tym kupi 2;em 54 hektary przy alei Madame Lynch. W dniu dzisiejszym ta posiad 2;ość, która w tamtym okresie czasu by 2;a największą w Asuncion (Paraguay) , dla porównania kosztowa 2;aby wiele dziesiątek milionów dolarów. Kupi 2;em wtedy tą nieruchomość, aby stworzyć tam podobne przedsiębiorstwa, jak te, które mia 2;em we W 2;oszech. W kraju po 2;udniowoameryka 4;skim panowa 2;a bardzo wielka niestabilność ekonomiczna i polityczna. Niestety, będąc jeszcze w Europie o tej sytuacji nie wiedzieliśmy. Zrozumia 2;ym jest, że tak ja jak i reszta siedmiu przemys 2;owców przywieźliśmy ze sobą duży kapita 2;. Wszyscy z nas byli ludźmi zamożnymi. Ze względu na tę niestabilność, niestety nie uda 2;o się zrealizować zamierzonych celów. Widząc tą sytuację ekonomiczno-polityczną, stara 2;em się w miarę możliwości uratować moje interesy i mój kapita 2;. W Paragwaju posiada 2;em wiele firm handlowych i przemys 2;owych, wśród których by 2;y między innymi: LUX, METRO, LA CAPITAL, PARAPOL i wiele innych firm importujących, eksportujących i produkujących.
Wśród siedmiu przedsiębiorców, którzy przybyli wraz ze mną do Paragwaju, by 2; Austriak FOGEL, który przyjecha 2; wraz ze swoją rodziną, która mieszka w Paragwaju po dziś dzie 4;. Fogel prowadzi 2; produkcje konserw etc. Kiedy przyjecha 2; do Paragwaju przywióz 2; ze sobą swoje prywatne auto marki MAYBACH, jeden z najlepszych samochodów niemieckich, który i na dzie 4; dzisiejszy kosztuje więcej jak milion dolarów.
Tak samo zrobili pozostali: Hrabia TALLIA FERI z Mediolanu, genera 2; PIVONA z Rzymu i Doktor PITO z Francji, który w Paragwaju rozpoczą 2; produkcję oleju rycynowego.
Należa 2;oby pociągnąć do odpowiedzialności osoby, które poda 2;y k 2;amliwe twierdzenia o moich d 2;ugoletnich przyjacio 2;ach. O ANIBAL MARTINEZ, wysokim urzędniku pa 4;stwowym czy BARREIRO MAFFIODO, prawniku, a potem wieloletnim paragwajskim ambasadorem i wiceministrem spraw zagranicznych. Poza tym pu 2;kownika Vysokolana nigdy nie zna 2;em, jedynie s 2;ysza 2;em o nim jako s 2;ynnym matematyku.
Czując się Polakiem i antykomunistą by 2;em zaprzyjaźniony z rosyjskimi bohaterami z Bia 2;ej Armii, którzy walczyli w s 2;ynnej Wojnie o Chaco. Przybyli do Paragwaju z Chin. Byli to wojskowi z Armii Carskiej i do Paragwaju przybyli po przegranej wojnie z bolszewikami. Anglicy i alianci, którzy zawarli porozumienie z bolszewikami pozostawili tych wojskowych na pastwę losu. Zajęli oni jednak jako doświadczeni wojskowi wysokie pozycje w armii paragwajskiej podczas Wojny o Chaco. Do tych wojskowych należeli między innymi genera 2;owie Bielajew i Ern, który także by 2; szefem inteligencji rządu paragwajskiego, Genera 2; Zimowski i pu 2;kownik Puszkarewicz- mój wielki przyjaciel i wielu innych. By 2;em także zaprzyjaźniony z paragwajskim Genera 2;em Dywizji Demetrio Cardozo, Barrientos (Ministrem Finansów) , Samaniego (Minister Pracy i Polityki Spo 2;ecznej), Andres Rodriguez, który po upadku dyktatury Stroessnera zosta 2; Prezydentem Paragwaju. Wśród ambasadorów moim wieloletnim przyjacielem jest Migiel T.Romero, który w czasie swojej wieloletniej pracy dyplomatycznej by 2; między innymi w Watykanie, Urugwaju, Peru. Innymi moimi przyjació 2;mi byli: dr Gonzales Maya z Chile i wiceminister spraw wewnętrznych Villate z Paragwaju, a także genera 2; Rojas, Pu 2;kownik Becker (olimpista) i naturalnie Major Bia 2;ob 2;ocki, który by 2; razem ze mną prezesem i wspó 2;za 2;ożycielem Związku Polaków w Paragwaju.
W Paragwaju pozna 2;em wiele znanych ludzi handlu, przemys 2;u, polityki, edukacji. By 2;em zaprzyjaźniony z wieloma rodzinami paragwajskimi i w szczególności z Sr.Anibal R.Martinez.
By 2;em także sponsorem i przedstawicielem paragwajskiej delegacji olimpijskiej na poszczególne olimpiady: miedzy innymi: Monachium 72, Montreal 76, Seul 88, Barcelona 92 i wielu innych. Zosta 2; mi wręczony także z 2;oty medal przez ministra spraw wewnętrznych Edgarda Isfrana za wspó 2;pracę na rzecz Związku Kobiet w Paragwaju (mam dyplom). Otrzyma 2;em także z 2;oty medal od Komitetu Olimpijskiego w Paragwaju i z 2;oty medal z C.P. za wspó 2;pracę międzynarodową za Zas 2;ugi dla Paragwaju.
By 2;em wiceprezesem Klubu Pi 2;karskiego paragwajskiego pierwszej klasy „Club Presidente Hayes” gdzie prezesem by 2; Gen. Cardozo.
By 2;em również przyjacielem doktora Vasconsello, który by 2; prawnikiem i politykiem.
W owym donosie zapomniano dopisać, że mój przyjaciel Dr. R.L.Petit by 2; ministrem rządu paragwajskiego kiedy prezydentem by 2; FEDERICO CHAVEZ. Dr.Petit zginą 2; z rąk ludzi Stroessnera podczas jego przewrotu w 1954 tak jak i wielu innych.
Należy dodać w moich wspomnieniach z tego okresu czasu, iż w Paragwaju zda 2;em sobie sprawę z niestabilności sytuacji ekonomiczno-politycznej w tym kraju i niemożności dotrzymania przez tamtejsze w 2;adze podpisanej ze mną umowy handlowej. A przy tym Paragwaj by 2; krajem, mającym tylko dwa i pó 2; miliona ludności na obszarze 406 750 km2, krajem tropikalnym, pozbawionym możliwości komunikacji handlowej z zagranicą. W tej sytuacji postanowi 2;em nastawić moją dzia 2;alność na wyjazdy do innych krajów. Po paru latach przenios 2;em firmy do Argentyny, Urugwaju, Hiszpanii, Szwajcarii, Niemiec i wielu innych krajów. Moje międzynarodowe firmy handlowe dzia 2;a 2;y razem w aż 45 krajach świata. Dobrze by 2;oby przytoczyć w tym kontekście takie oto powiedzonko w Paragwaju z tego czasu: „ Jeżeli ktoś przyjeżdża do Paragwaju jako przemys 2;owiec, żeby tworzyć tam przemys 2;, to 2;atwo jest zrobić ma 2;y kapita 2;, trzeba przyjechać z dużym kapita 2;em.” My wszyscy przemys 2;owcy, którzy przyjechaliśmy na kontrakty rządowe, niestety po pewnym czasie nie mogliśmy uratować ca 2;ości naszego kapita 2;u, który wtedy ze sobą przywieźliśmy. To nie by 2;a niczyja wina. Taka by 2;a sytuacja ekonomiczna i polityczna w Paragwaju i niestety będąc jeszcze w Europie nie mieliśmy informacji o prawdziwym stanie rzeczy.

13. Niezrozumia 2;ym jest fakt podawania w doniesieniu rzekomego mojego adresu w Austrii przy ulicy Maria Teresina Strasie 24 w Wiedniu, skoro ja by 2;em już ze swoimi samochodami w Paragwaju- jak zosta 2;o wcześniej powiedziane w fa 2;szywce. W Wiedniu zatrzymywa 2;em się jedynie w hotelach- co także oświadczy 2;em wcześniej. Ciekaw jestem jak wymyślono ten adres, skoro jak wcześniej już nadmieni 2;em, nigdy tam nie mia 2;em ani biur, ani tam nie mieszka 2;em!

14. Do najbardziej niesamowitych bzdur, zamieszczonych w fa 2;szywce, należą informacje, obnażające wręcz nieznajomość geografii świata, zawartą w rzekomym doniesieniu. Pisze się tam: „Wed 2;ug t 2;umaczenia paszportu, wydanego przez Międzynarodowy Czerwony Krzyż w Genewie, w Austrii ! (Przecież Genewa jest w Szwajcarii!!!)
Przecież każdy, nawet ucze 4; ogólniaka, już wie, że Genewa mieści się w Szwajcarii, a nie w Austrii. Skoro zaś prowadzi 2;em interesy we W 2;oszech, to tam w 2;aśnie mog 2;em za 2;atwić wszelkie formalności, gdyż tam by 2;o moje miejsce zamieszkania. Nie wiem, skąd się wzię 2;o u autora fa 2;szywki aż tyle obsesyjnych k 2;amstw w odniesieniu do mego pobytu w Austrii. Dodajmy, że równocześnie autor fa 2;szywki informuje nas, że otrzyma 2;em wizę od konsula Paragwaju w Genui, a to jest przecież we W 2;oszech.

15. Ca 2;kowicie k 2;amliwe są zwarte w fa 2;szywce informacje na temat Milenko Timich, który by 2; jugos 2;owia 4;skim kapitanem, wspó 2;pracownikiem genera 2;a Mihailovica.

16. Ca 2;kowicie nieprawdziwe jest twierdzenie, że Milenko Timich by 2; obywatelem Panamy.

17. Niezgodne z prawdą jest twierdzenie, że mia 2;em bar „La Chinina”. Zupe 2;nie fa 2;szywe jest wyliczanie w moim kontekście nazwisk kilku Rosjan, których nigdy w życiu nie pozna 2;em.

Wszystko to w ca 2;ości przypomina fa 2;szywkę i wszelką zawartą nieprawdę jest bardzo 2;atwo udowodnić. Widać, że autor donosu jest sta 2;ym czytelnikiem strony internetowej USOPA 1;, gdyż tam wielokrotnie poprzez liczne artyku 2;y udowadniano Gazecie Wyborczej napisaną nieprawdę i k 2;amstwa bez pokrycia. Na stronie USOPA 1; także wielokrotnie publikowano w oświadczeniach dla ukazania zamieszczonych przez ta gazetę k 2;amstw informacji, że posiada 2;em paszport polski. Paszporty polskie otrzymywali Polacy, mający rezydencję za granicą, którzy na przyk 2;ad prowadzili przedsiębiorstwa czy dzia 2;alność handlową i nie chcieli wrócić do kraju z oczywistych powodów- okupacji komunistycznej w Polsce. Ja taki paszport otrzyma 2;em z tych samych motywów.
Ca 2;ość tego jakoby „prawdziwego donosu ministerialnego” przypomina mi o jednym już wcześniej zaistnia 2;ym fakcie w niedalekiej przesz 2;ości, kiedy ambasadorem RP w Urugwaju by 2; Jaros 2;aw Guga 2;a bardzo znany wśród Polaków jednak jedynie ze swoich haniebnych poczyna 4;. Chodzi tu o wystąpienie Guga 2;y gdzie posadzi 2; mnie na podstawie „ważnego” dokumentu o szpiegostwo na rzecz Związku Radzieckiego!
W związku z teatrem Guga 2;y, by 2;y Minister, Pan Pose 2; Antoni Macierewicz wystąpi 2; do Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych o udostępnienie owych dokumentów. Minister Spraw Zagranicznych Pan Adam Rotfeld odpowiedzia 2; Ministrowi Macierewiczowi i zacytuję jego treść: „Nawiązując do mojego pisma z 7 bm. w sprawie udostępnienia dokumentacji mającej potwierdzić związki pana Jana Kobyla 4;skiego ze s 2;użbami sowieckimi, pragnę uprzejmie poinformować, że kwerenda przeprowadzona w Archiwum MSZ oraz we w 2;aściwym merytorycznie Departamencie Konsularnym i Polonii nie wykaza 2;a istnienia takich dokumentów”. (29.04.05) Kopia tego pisma jest umieszczona w Książce X-lecia USOPA 1; na stronie 280.
Guga 2;a nie móg 2; poświadczyć swej wypowiedzi prawdziwymi dokumentami, a jedynie pos 2;ugując się fa 2;szywkami i to prawdopodobnie „domowej w 2;asnej roboty”!
Czyżby notka ambasadora Guga 2;y mia 2;a świadczyć, że by 2;em szpiegiem? Guga 2;a najwyraźniej zapomnia 2; mowy, albo straci 2; pamięć gdyż do tej pory ani nie przeprosi 2;, ani nie sprostowa 2; swoich k 2;amliwych i bezpodstawnych wypowiedzi publicznych. Niestety nie od dziś taki styl „ dziennikarstwa” króluje w polskich mediach i niestety jest to także styl polskiej dyplomacji. Publiczne dzia 2;ania Guga 2;y urzędnika pa 4;stwowego, dyplomaty wyglądają jakoby prywatny folwark. Mia 2; on sk 2;onności do plucia k 2;amstwem i obrzucaniem b 2;otem z prędkością karabinu maszynowego, dla celów zas 2;onięcia swojej komunistycznej przesz 2;ości. I sta 2;o się! Guga 2;a jako „dociekliwy, prawdomówny i wiarygodny” dziennikarz po raz kolejny dopuści 2; się wierutnego k 2;amstwa posądzając Ministra Tomaszewskiego, że jakoby by 2; agentem komunistycznym! Dowodem na prawdziwość swojej wypowiedzi poda 2;, że wie bo sam by 2; przy tym jak jakoby Min. Tomaszewski szpiegowa 2;! Na tak wybitną „gwiazdorską” wypowiedź musia 2; zrezygnować z pracy w telewizji. Jednak nied 2;ugo po tym Guga 2;a w nagrodę za swoje telewizyjne wystąpienie zosta 2; wys 2;any przez swych patronów na „misję specjalną” jako ambasador do Urugwaju.
Takie wymyślane historie to nic nowego. Są nam znane już za epoki hochsztaplera Schnepffa, kiedy to pe 2;ni 2; funkcje ambasadora w Urugwaju, ale nie tylko- także z Kanady i innych części Świata. Da 2; się poznać także w Kurytybie, Montevideo, a szczególnie w Buenos Aires gdzie wraz ze znanym kapitanem s 2;użb specjalnych W 2;odzimierzem Krzyżanowskim po nocach sprowadzali do Ambasady RP przedzierając się przez żelazny p 2;ot osoby oferujące us 2;ugi seksualne. Na ich nieszczęście jedna się na tym p 2;ocie zawiesi 2;a i trzeba by 2;o wzywać pomoc aby ją „ odwiesić”. Skandal z tego incydentu zrobi 2;a żona Ambasadora RP w Buenos Aires w tym okresie czasu Prof. Wróbla u którego gościli w ambasadzie Schnepf i kompania i na tym zabawa się sko 4;czy 2;a.
Jest istotnym w tym miejscu przypomnieć o kolejnym bezczelnym oszustwie, które to w obecnych czasach wśród dziennikarzy nazywane jest : „ śledztwem dziennikarskim”. Mia 2;o to miejsce w 2004 roku w Urugwaju gdzie zawita 2; goniec Pana Michnika nijaki Miko 2;aj Lizut podający się wśród urugwajskiej Polonii jako Stanis 2;aw Andrzejewski i nie tylko podając się, ale także wpisując do księgi pamiątkowej ze swoim „ przybranym” na czas podróży imieniem i nazwiskiem. Widać, że bezczelność Gazety Wyborczej nie ma ko 4;ca. Aby napisać tak fantazyjny artyku 2;, wcale nie trzeba nikogo wysy 2;ać do Urugwaju, a przecież koszta nie są ma 2;e na taką podróż. I cóż wielkiego wyśledzi 2; Pan Lizut? Kolejne k 2;amstwa, kolejne pomówienia i fantazje nie mające ko 4;ca.
Gorzką prawdą jest, że do tej pory nikt z tych wszystkich k 2;amców śpiewających k 2;amstwa na jedna i tą samą nutę nie sprostowali pomówie 4;, swoich k 2;amliwych wypowiedzi bez pokrycia i nie przeprosili mnie za znies 2;awienie mojej osoby poprzez te wszystkie k 2;amliwe publikacje. Seneka mawia 2; : „czego nie zabrania prawo, zabrania wstyd”. Czyżby ta ca 2;a banda już i wstydu nie mia 2;a?
Do tej ca 2;ej brudnej sprawy oszczerstw na temat mojej osoby chce przypomnieć tym 2;obuzom: pseudo dyplomatom typu „Nikodema Dyzmy”, oszustom, pseudo dziennikarzom i pismom „polskojęzycznym” i ich wspólnikom z kraju i zagranicy jeszcze jedno: mam na imię Jan, będę używać imienia Jan, Janusz, John, Juan, Giovanni, Jean itp. i skrótu JK, aby nie mieli wątpliwości- to zawsze ja- Polak, Katolik, który nigdy nie zmieni 2; nazwiska. Od dziecka moim patronem by 2; i jest Święty Jan. Moje imię t 2;umaczono z różnych względów praktycznych.
Chcia 2;bym także oświadczyć, że w ca 2;ym moim życiu nie prowadzi 2;em żadnych nielegalnych interesów, handlu bronią, narkotykami czy fa 2;szywymi paszportami. Nigdy nie by 2;em oszustem, nie by 2;em ani posądzony, ani skazany za takie przestępstwa w ca 2;ym moim życiu ( nie wiem czy moi oszczercy mogą to o sobie powiedzieć?).
W okresie mojego życia by 2;em: Konsulem Honorowym Paragwaju przez 17 lat w Hiszpanii, Konsulem Honorowym Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej w Urugwaju przez 10 lat, wręczono mi ponad sto różnych odznacze 4; pa 4;stwowych w tym wiele z Polski, dziesiątki odznacze 4; i dyplomów za moją pracę spo 2;eczną, za moją dzia 2;alność olimpijską, otrzyma 2;em wiele nagród za moją wieloletnią pracę filatelistyczną. Przez ponad 16 lat by 2;em prezesem Związku Polaków w Argentynie, aż do 80 roku życia, kiedy to zrezygnowa 2;em z funkcji ze względu na mój wiek. Przez ponad 15 lat jest prezesem i fundatorem Unii Stowarzysze 4; i Organizacji Polskich Ameryki 1;aci 4;skiej, prezesem Unii Polsko-Urugwajskiej oraz prezesem Stowarzyszenia Im. Marsza 2;ka Józefa Pi 2;sudskiego w Urugwaju, których także jestem fundatorem oraz Prezesem Fundacji „Juan Kobylanski” w Argentynie i Montevideo.
To mi daje wielką satysfakcję, że dużą część mojego majątku mog 2;em przekazać dla spraw Polski, dla moich rodaków, dla sprawy Mojej Ojczyzny.
Jestem w sta 2;ym kontakcie z wieloma ludźmi i organizacjami polsko-patriotycznymi na ca 2;ym świecie, które s 2;użą Polsce i którym zależy na sprawie Naszej Ojczyzny. Moje oświadczenie przygotowa 2;em specjalnie, gdyż zdaję sobie sprawę, że u pod 2;oża tych wszystkich k 2;amstw i oszczerstw leży fakt, że jestem Polakiem, patriotą, Katolikiem i że moim dzia 2;aniem i nieugiętą postawą przeszkadzam pewnym grupom, którym zależy na znies 2;awieniu nie tylko mnie ale i Narodu Polskiego i dlatego też imają się wszelkich sposobów do swego niegodziwego dzia 2;ania.

Jan Kobyla 4;ski
Prezes USOPA 1;

Prisimy pisac protesty BRONCIE POLSKI I POLAKOW POLACY RODACY

W roku 2010 upamiętnimy 70-lecie Zbrodni Katy 4;skiej.

Jest to szczególna rocznica dla Rodzin Katy 4;skich, które straci 2;y najbliższych, dla Wojska Polskiego, Straży Granicznej i Policji Pa 4;stwowej, dla ca 2;ego spo 2;ecze 4;stwa.

Aby godnie się do niej przygotować, Muzeum Wojska Polskiego i podleg 2;y mu Oddzia 2; Muzeum Katy 4;skie (istniejące od 1993 roku i gromadzące wszelkie ślady po zamordowanych) przy wspó 2;pracy z Instytutem Pamięci Narodowej, na mocy Porozumienia o Wspó 2;pracy z 17 września 2009 roku, pragnie zebrać i udostępnić na stronie internetowej Muzeum Zbrodni Katy 4;skiej jak najwięcej danych o wszystkich osobach poleg 2;ych na Wschodzie w 1939 roku, zamordowanych w 1940 i 1941, i spoczywających we wszystkich znanych nam dotąd miejscach pamięci.

New US American military Base in Poland prof. dr hab. Romuald Szeremietiew

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 11 Dec 2009 10:49:54 EST

Status ameryka 4;skich wojsk w Polsceprof. dr hab. Romuald Szeremietiew (2009-12-11)Aktualności dnia
s 2;uchaj
zapisz

Norman Davies on Polish history

Lech Alex Bajan — Thu, 10 Dec 2009 20:02:33 EST

Norman Davies on Polish history

Obama and the mission of the The Pope John Paul II of Poland started this chain of events that led to the end of communism

Lech Alex Bajan — Thu, 10 Dec 2009 18:59:31 EST

Barack Obama's Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Speech

As reported in October, U.S. President Barack Obama was the recipient of this year's Nobel Peace Prize for giving the world "hope for a better future". Below is the video and prepared text of Obama's acceptance speech, which he delivered today (Dec. 10) in Oslo, Norway.

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Distinguished Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world.
I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who have received this prize Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened of cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women some known, some obscure to all but those they help to be far more deserving of this honor than I.

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by 43 other countries including Norway in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.

Still, we are at war, and I am responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill. Some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the cost of armed conflict filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.

These questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.

Over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers, clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when it meets certain preconditions: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the forced used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.
For most of history, this concept of just war was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it is hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.

In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another World War. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this Prize America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide and restrict the most dangerous weapons.

In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Billions have been lifted from poverty. The ideals of liberty, self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.

A decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.

Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts, the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies and failed states have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. In todays wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed and children scarred.

I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth that we will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations acting individually or in concert will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.
I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King said in this same ceremony years ago: "Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: It merely creates new and more complicated ones." As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. Kings lifes work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there is nothing weak, nothing passive, nothing naive in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. A nonviolent movement could not have halted Hitlers armies. Negotiations cannot convince al-Qaidas leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism it is a recognition of history, the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.

I raise this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter the cause. At times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the worlds sole military superpower.

Yet the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions not just treaties and declarations that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other people's children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.

So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. And yet this truth must coexist with another that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. The soldiers courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause and to comrades in arms. But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.

So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly irreconcilable truths that war is sometimes necessary, and war is at some level an expression of human feelings. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions."

What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?
To begin with, I believe that all nations strong and weak alike must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. I like any head of state reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don't.

The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.

Furthermore, America cannot insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. For when we dont, our action can appear arbitrary, and undercut the legitimacy of future intervention no matter how justified.
This becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.

I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. That is why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.
Americas commitment to global security will never waver. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. This is true in Afghanistan. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.

The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries and other friends and allies demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they have shown in Afghanistan. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. I understand why war is not popular. But I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Peace requires responsibility. Peace entails sacrifice. That is why NATO continues to be indispensable. That is why we must strengthen U.N. and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. That is why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali we honor them not as makers of war, but as wagers of peace.
Let me make one final point about the use of force. Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.

Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe that the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. That is a source of our strength. That is why I prohibited torture. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. And that is why I have reaffirmed Americas commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. And we honor those ideals by upholding them not just when it is easy, but when it is hard.

I have spoken to the questions that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war. But let me turn now to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.

First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to change behavior for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. Those regimes that break the rules must be held accountable. Sanctions must exact a real price. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.
One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work toward disarmament. I am committed to upholding this treaty. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And I am working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russias nuclear stockpiles.

But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.

The same principle applies to those who violate international law by brutalizing their own people. When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo or repression in Burma there must be consequences. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.

This brings me to a second point the nature of the peace that we seek. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. Only a just peace based upon the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.

It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.

And yet all too often, these words are ignored. In some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nations development. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values.

I reject this choice. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please, choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. Pent up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. We also know that the opposite is true. Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. No matter how callously defined, neither Americas interests nor the worlds are served by the denial of human aspirations.

So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear to these movements that hope and history are on their side.

Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. But I also know that sanctions without outreach and condemnation without discussion can carry forward a crippling status quo. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.

In light of the Cultural Revolutions horrors, Nixons meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty, and connected to open societies. Pope John Pauls engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. Ronald Reagans efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. There is no simple formula here. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.

Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights it must encompass economic security and opportunity. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.

It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine they need to survive. It does not exist where children cannot aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. The absence of hope can rot a society from within.

And that is why helping farmers feed their own people or nations educate their children and care for the sick is not mere charity. It is also why the world must come together to confront climate change. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, famine and mass displacement that will fuel more conflict for decades. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and activists who call for swift and forceful action it is military leaders in my country and others who understand that our common security hangs in the balance.

Agreements among nations. Strong institutions. Support for human rights. Investments in development. All of these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, or the staying power, to complete this work without something more and that is the continued expansion of our moral imagination, an insistence that there is something irreducible that we all share.

As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are, to understand that we all basically want the same things, that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.

And yet, given the dizzying pace of globalization, and the cultural leveling of modernity, it should come as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish about their particular identities their race, their tribe and, perhaps most powerfully, their religion. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. At times, it even feels like we are moving backwards. We see it in the Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.
Most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or even a person of ones own faith. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but the purpose of faith for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.

Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. We are fallible. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. Even those of us with the best intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.

But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. The nonviolence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached their faith in human progress must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.

For if we lose that faith if we dismiss it as silly or naive, if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace then we lose what is best about humanity. We lose our sense of possibility. We lose our moral compass.

Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago: "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of mans present nature makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him."

So let us reach for the world that ought to be that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls. Somewhere today, in the here and now, a soldier sees hes outgunned but stands firm to keep the peace. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, who believes that a cruel world still has a place for his dreams.

Let us live by their example. We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. We can admit the intractability of deprivation, and still strive for dignity. We can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. We can do that for that is the story of human progress; that is the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.

Karol Wojtyla, the unpublished images - (1978) symbol of the end of Communism,

Lech Alex Bajan — Thu, 10 Dec 2009 12:57:54 EST

Karol Wojtyla, the unpublished images - (1978) symbol of the end of Communism,

part 1

part 4

Poles being deported from Newark

Lech Alex Bajan — Thu, 10 Dec 2009 12:40:27 EST

Poles being deported from Newark

By Ewa Kern-Jedrychowska, Nowy Dziennik / Polish Daily News, 5 December 2008. Translated from Polish by Aleksandra Slabisz.

In November, 13 Polish citizens who landed at the Newark International Airport were deported back to Poland. Most were elderly women, who allegedly were handled roughly by immigration officers.

“My grandmother, who is 81 years old, was coming to spend the holidays with us. At Newark Airport she was handcuffed and taken to the deportation center in New Jersey, where she spent the night with other elderly women; one was so distressed that she had to receive medical assistance. The next day my grandmother was deported back to Poland from the JFK airport,” one of our readers told Nowy Dziennik.

Another person, who also was sent to the deportation center in Elizabeth, NJ, wrote in a letter that Nowy Dziennik published last week: “I was cross-examined a couple of times at the airport in Newark. During the entire time, I was not allowed to take my medication. I suffer from hypertension and have a heart condition and must take my pills three times a day. I was told to change into the jail clothing and was not even allowed to stay in my own underwear. Handcuffed, they seated me on a concrete bench,” the woman says, and adds that she was told to sign various documents the content of which she did not understand. Once back in Poland, she was taken straight to hospital. “I couldn’t stop vomiting for three hours. I was so dehydrated and my blood pressure was so high that I was at risk of having a stroke,” she wrote.

Wojciech Lukasiewicz, the consul from the legal department at the Polish Consulate in New York informed Nowy Dziennik that “in November 2008, there were seven flights from Poland to Newark. Several passengers from six of those planes were not allowed to enter the United States. Out of 13 people who were deported 11 were women.” According to the consul, there have been, from time to time, individual cases of deportation straight from Newark or JFK airports; however, only recently have so many of them happened in such a short period of time. Consul Lukasiewicz also points out that the consulate was indeed notified of all the cases by U.S. Customs and Border Protection officers, but not until after the individuals were deported.

“According to the consular convention between Poland and the United States, American officers have an obligation to notify us about arrests of Polish citizens in America. Airport immigration officers argue, however, that these individuals theoretically have not yet entered the United States; therefore, they are not obliged to report the deportations. It is as if they were arrested outside the country’s borders.”

Each time the reason for deportation was the same: staying in the country illegally, that is, past the date indicated on the entry visa.

“My grandmother Regina, who is now 77 years old, overstayed her visa by six months 20 years ago. She didn’t hide the fact when applying for another tourist visa. Since that time she has visited us twice. Until now there was no problem,” Malogorzata Tomaszewska tells us. “This time it turned out otherwise. My grandmother was treated like a criminal and instead of spending the holidays with us she went through a nightmare. Why on earth did the consulate give her a visa if they were not going to allow her to enter to the United States?”

Janusz Buszynski, from the American Embassy in Warsaw, says that “the visa issued by a U.S. Embassy or Consulate entitles the holder to travel to the United States and apply for admission; however, it does not guarantee entry. An immigration inspector at the port of entry determines the visa holder's eligibility for admission into the United States. The consul does not have access to a comprehensive data base with ample information on the applicant like immigration officers at the border.” As consequence, Buszynski admits, “each person who at some point in the past overstayed his or her visas has to be aware that they may not be allowed entry to the United States now.”

The spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security, Joanne Ferreira, told Nowy Dziennik that she is not allowed to comment on individual cases. “I can only say that an immigration officer at the border approaches each case individually, but bases his judgment on a list of 60 reasons for refusal of entry to the United States,” including potential danger for the country, a record of criminal offences or violation of the immigration law.

Hitler's daughter why Poland to pay and to who?

Lech Alex Bajan — Wed, 09 Dec 2009 13:52:37 EST

Hitler's daughter why Poland to pay and to who?

O filmie wykorzystującym tragedię Żydów do rozgrywek antykleryka 2;ów z kościo 2;em czy coś więcej...? -
mówi Stanis 2;aw Michalkiewicz

Drogi użytkowniku:

To jest powiadomienie o usunięciu przez nas podanego materia 2;u lub uniemożliwieniu dostępu do niego w wyniku zg 2;oszenia otrzymanego od w 2;aściciela praw autorskich Awesome Insustry , twierdzącego, że materia 2; narusza jego prawa:

hitlers daughter - czyli strza 2; medialnym panzerfaustem w o. Rydzyka:

Israeli President: We are buying up Manhattan, Hungary, Romania and Poland

Restitutionist meeting

1. ON February 27, 2007, twenty leaders of Jewish restitution groups will convene in Warsaw, to advance their US$ 65 billion claim against Poland. Israel Singer, the general secretary of the World Jewish Congress, will be there. Jerzy Robert Nowak, a Polish professor of history, writes today in one of the independent papers that Singer's participation is an "extraordinary scandal" absent from most of the media.[i] Singer stated on April 19, 1996 that if Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims, it will be "publicly attacked and humiliated". A Polish publicist, Stanislaw Michalkiewicz has called Singer's declaration a "declaration of war against Poland".

Even a Jewish publicist in Poland, Antoni Marianowicz, has objected to Singer's demands in the April 23, 1996 entry in his book:

"This is simply preposterous; we in Poland have to reckon with the law and wait for suitable laws, and they demand everything right away. Often they are those who lived comfortably in the US, while their families were perishing here in the Holocaust. It's hard to imagine a more effective incitement of anti-Semitism."[ii]

In a recent interview in a Polish main paper, Singer said: "Nobody who lost their house wants to get just a piece of roof, a couple of windows and doors, but the whole house!".[iii]

The Poles are justifiably furious, for example, Nowak:

"As if the Nazi occupier has not methodically destroyed Poland -- Jews have received from Germany more than US$100 billion in compensations -- the Poles themsellves were awarded only meagre handfulls of Deutschmarks for slave labourers".

Nowak pointed out that in the first years after WW2, Jews could recover posessions in Poland fast, owing to sympathy of predominantly Jewish authorities, but the Jews usually sold the properties and left Poland. A few hundred thousand Jews mainly from the USSR immediately received apartments free of charge at the same time.

The US government has intervened on behalf of world Jewry's restitutions. Stuart Eizenstat, left, former special representative of US president and secretary of state for Holocaust-era issues, outlines how the US Jewish community achieved it:

"The Jewish community, considering its small size - only two to three percent of the population depending on who one defines as a Jew - has a remarkable impact on issues relevant to it in the American political system. Various interest groups influence the latter by accessing the Congress, the executive branch, and state and local governments on subjects important to their constituency."

The 1967 Six-Day War marked the coming of age of the Jewish community. Since then, "the entire organized Jewish community has been Zionistic."[iv]

Eizenstat's involvement in the restitution process in Eastern Europe started in 1995 when he was the US ambassador in Europe, and became US special envoy for that purpose: "At that time, Edgar Bronfman, Israel Singer, the WJC and the World Jewish Restitution Organization (WJRO) had already been trying to obtain Eastern European property restitution -- they had the critically important wisdom and knowledge to use the media and political system -- The WJC and the WJRO knew that only American intervention in the former communist countries could lead to achievements. Bronfman had already obtained Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin's support." Later prime ministers Netanyahu (right) and Barak didn't give as much support to Eizenstat, presumably out of concern for

"bi-lateral relationship with the new post-communist countries. Perhaps in their hearts they also wanted their Jewish communities to come to Israel rather than spend their lives in Eastern Europe."[v]

Singer indicated in 2003 that shows the restitutionism is also retributionism: "Yitzhak Shamir, who has a great distaste for Poland, told me he would support the WJC claims against eastern European countries."[vi] Singer recognized the strategic issues for the restitutionists to tackle:

"The eastern European property restitution issue from which the restitution process of the 1990s started has remained a big failure -- First, these are poor countries. Second, they are used to being victims. Third, restitution would require them to admit all the other wrongs they inflicted on the Jews during and after the Holocaust. Their governments try to deal with the local Jewish communities which - except for Hungary - are extremely small and powerless and thus easier partners than the international Jewish organizations."

So far the restitutionists disregarded the poverty of the target nation, Poland. Clinging to "victimhood" by Poles was solved with lies by "history professor" Gross on the Jedwabne crime and the Kielce "pogrom". Pliable "Polish" statesmen admitted Polish guilt for both crimes committed by others, including Communist Jews in the case of Kielce.

In the beginning, writes Eizenstat, restitution efforts focused on "communal assets such as synagogues and other buildings". The process in Poland "will eventually lead to the return of thousands of pieces of communal property" but has been slowed by "a lengthy dispute we helped mediate - between the small Polish Jewish community and the WJRO -- which questioned the local community's capacity to manage the restituted property. The international and local Jewish community will share control."

Marianowicz above indicated the local Jews' outrage with the claim. According to Eizenstat, WJRO also demanded at least some control over the restituted properties. While this should be an internal Jewish matter, WJRO's move means control over a sizeable part of Polish real estate by one institution that has proven extremely hostile to Poles, like the rest of the Jewish restitution movement. Also, the Jewish restitution organizations have been accused of keeping the awards for themselves, rather than distributing them to the needy and eligible Jews.

Some ineligible Jews "had falsified their papers". Germany paid about USD 50 billion, and until 1965 also gave to the Conference a billion dollars in present value, but the victims received only 15 percent:

"The large chunk of the rest of it, according to Ronald Zweig, an expert on the subject, went to Jewish communities in the Arab world, such as Iraq, and institutions such as Yad Vashem in Israel."

The Conference didn't pay the survivors: "They said there weren't any victims anymore -- now they claim all these needy Holocaust victims have languished in poverty all these years, because the Germans gave them no money." Some unjustly treated Shoah survivors said they "trust the German government more than they do the Jewish organizations".[vii]

Israeli banks deny payments from accounts of Shoah victims, too. In January 2005, a Knesset committee slammed Israeli banks for "severe negligence" in handling some 9,000 accounts totaling NIS 1 billion and locating the heirs. In the first years of WW2, the banks managed to ride out mass withdrawals thanks to the funds deposited by thousands of European Jews. Some of the banks misappropriated the funds and destroyed documents. A bill proposed that a government corporation would handle the restitution of bank accounts, real estate, stocks and other assets. Money without heirs would go to humanitarian causes.[viii]

Nowak's worst predictions come true. In 1999, he warned about an "anti-Polish alliance" of polonophobic Jewish, German and Russian groups: "The most threatening to us may prove an alliance of very influential Jewish and German factions."[ix]

Nowak wrote today, alluding to German restitution claims filed around Christmas 2006 against Poland:

"We see a clear synchronization of Jewish and German claims. Both are based on a common lie that seeks to paint WW2 Poles as executioners, instead of the factual victims we have been. Some influential Ukrainian groups suddenly added their indemnity claims for Operation Wisla, which was predictable when some time ago miscellaneous Polish "apologizers" showed up."

In Operation Wisla (1.5.1947 - 16.8.1947) that aimed at fragmentation of a minority religion, the new Communist government of Poland transported some 140,000 pre-war Polish citizens of Orthodox Christian faith, from the eastern part of the new state to former Eastern Germany.[x]

They were mainly Ukrainians and followed millions of Poles re-settled from former Eastern Poland, which the victorius Allies gave to Stalin "in exchange" for the Eastern German lands. It is unclear why Ukraine would

Golda Meir told Poland: Don't send sick or disabled Jews to Israel

Lech Alex Bajan — Wed, 09 Dec 2009 11:02:52 EST

Golda Meir told Poland: Don't send sick or disabled Jews to Israel By Lily Galili, Haaretz Correspondent
In 1958, then-foreign minister Golda Meir raised the possibility of preventing handicapped and sick Polish Jews from immigrating to Israel, a recently discovered Foreign Ministry document has revealed.

"A proposal was raised in the coordination committee to inform the Polish government that we want to institute selection in aliyah, because we cannot continue accepting sick and handicapped people. Please give your opinion as to whether this can be explained to the Poles without hurting immigration," read the document, written by Meir to Israel's ambassador to Poland, Katriel Katz.

The letter, marked "top secret" and written in April 1958, shortly after Meir became foreign minister, was uncovered by Prof. Szymon Rudnicki, a Polish historian at the University of Warsaw.
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In recent years, Rudnicki has been researching documents shedding light on Israeli-Polish relations between 1945 and 1967.

The document had not been known to exist before this time, and scholars of the mass immigration from Poland to Israel that took place from 1956 to 1958 were unaware of Israel's intent to impose a selection process on Jews leaving Poland - survivors of the Holocaust and its death camps.

The "coordination committee" Meir refers to was a joint panel consisting of representatives of the government and the Jewish Agency.

Rudnicki's study, undertaken together with Israeli scholars headed by Prof. Marcos Silber of the University of Haifa, has already been published in a book in Polish.

The Hebrew version of the book will be published in a few months. However, the document containing the suggestion about the selection process does not appear in the book because it did not impact relations between the two countries.

"Although there are numerous documents on the issue of immigration, we did not find in the archives of Israel or Poland - where they also opened the party archive for us - any response to this request by Golda to the ambassador in Poland," Rudnicki told Haaretz. "In this respect, the document remains an internal matter of Israel," he said.

However, Rudnicki concedes that the content of the document surprised him as a scholar and a Jew.

"This is a very cynical document," he said. "It is known that Golda was a brutal politician who defended interests more than people."

Katz died more than 20 years ago, and no proof has been found that anything was done regarding the foreign minister's query.

The 1956-1958 wave of immigration from Poland, also known as the "Gomulka Aliyah" was the second wave of immigration from Poland after World War II. In those years, due to a major lifting of restrictions on Jews leaving the country, some 40,000 Polish Jews came to Israel.

In the first wave, in 1950, Poland prevented anyone who had professions essential to Polish economy and society from leaving, including Jewish doctors and engineers. With the rise to power of president Wadyslaw Gomulka and his initiation of reforms at the beginning of what became known as the "Golmuka thaw," the Polish government allowed people with professions more in demand to leave the country, including Jews who had taken up senior positions in the Communist Party.

"Until 1950, there was indeed selection by the Poles on the basis of professions in demand," Rudnicki said. "After 1956 the Poles imposed no limitations, and certainly did not intentionally send handicapped and aged people to Israel. That is an Israeli story, not a Polish one," the historian said.

During the years to which the document refers, waves of immigration were also underway from other countries, placing a heavy burden on the young state.

Statistics show that the rate of immigration at that time was similar to that at the height of immigration from the former Soviet Union from 1990 to 1999.

Bazą energetyki w Polsce jest i pozostanie przez wiele lat rodzimy węgiel kamienny i brunatny

Lech Alex Bajan — Mon, 07 Dec 2009 12:00:53 EST

Bazą energetyki w Polsce jest i pozostanie przez wiele lat rodzimy węgiel kamienny i brunatny
prof. Jacek Zimny
Autor jest profesorem AGH w Krakowie, cz 2;onkiem Komitetu Problemów Energetyki przy Prezydium PAN

Strategia likwidacji energetyki polskiej oraz przemys 2;u wydobywczego jest nie do zaakceptowania - zważywszy na posiadane ogromne zasoby surowców kopalnych, największe w Europie zasoby odnawialnych źróde 2; energii (OŹE), potencja 2; wydobywczy i ludzki Polskiego Górnictwa Naftowego i Gazowego (PGNiG) oraz znakomite zaplecze naukowe.
Jeżeli rząd SLD - PSL - UP nie przedstawi nowej wizji rozwoju kraju, to doprowadzi do dalszej degradacji przemys 2;u, rolnictwa i gospodarki, zaś bezrobocie pod koniec jego kadencji w 2005 roku osiągnie 25 proc.
Minister gospodarki ("Rzeczpospolita", 16.11.2001 r.) potwierdzi 2; znany fakt, że Polska w światowych rankingach konkurencyjności spada coraz niżej. Bieżące oceny są takie: zmniejsza się nieustannie tempo wzrostu gospodarczego, rośnie bezrobocie, maleje zapotrzebowanie gospodarki na energię z powodu braku wzrostu rozwoju produkcji i us 2;ug, wzrasta świadomość oszczędności energii przez wszystkich, zapotrzebowanie na energię ustabilizowa 2;o się od kilku lat, jest niższe niż zak 2;adano i wynosi oko 2;o 4.200 PJ/rok.

Bilans energetyczny kraju a samowystarczalność energetyczna

Polska w latach 70. by 2;a samowystarczalna energetycznie. W tym czasie metraż wierce 4; geologiczno-poszukiwawczych osiągną 2; wartość 450 km/rok. Wydobycie ropy naftowej wzros 2;o do 500.000 ton/rok, zaś wydobycie w 2;asne gazu osiągnę 2;o wartość 8 mld m3/rok - co odpowiada aktualnemu importowi tego surowca z Rosji. Wzros 2;o też wydobycie węgla kamiennego i brunatnego - przesz 2;o 200 mln ton/rok.
W wyniku decyzji politycznych lat 80., ten imponujący rozwój polskiej energetyki, oparty na wykorzystaniu w 2;asnych, naturalnych surowców kopalnych, zosta 2; niekorzystnie zmieniony. Dalszego rozwoju nowoczesnej Polski upatrywano w odkrytych, dużych zasobach węgla brunatnego (Pątnów, Adamów, Konin), rozwoju energetyki jądrowej (Żarnowiec) oraz dostawach taniego gazu z Rosji ("kontrakt stulecia"). Nastąpi 2;a świadoma utrata samowystarczalności energetycznej pa 4;stwa, która trwa do dziś (118 proc. - rok 1960, 113 proc. - rok 1975, 85 proc. - rok 2000, planowane 60 proc. w roku 2020), oraz coraz większa utrata bezpiecze 4;stwa energetycznego kraju.
Taka strategia likwidacji energetyki polskiej oraz przemys 2;u wydobywczego jest nie do zaakceptowania - zważywszy na posiadane ogromne zasoby surowców kopalnych, największe w Europie zasoby odnawialnych źróde 2; energii (OŹE), potencja 2; wydobywczy i ludzki Polskiego Górnictwa Naftowego i Gazowego (PGNiG) oraz znakomite zaplecze naukowe.
Szacowane przez Pa 4;stwowy Instytut Geologiczny oraz Instytut Gospodarki Surowcami Mineralnymi i Energią PAN w Krakowie zasoby prognostyczne wynoszą: ropy naftowej - 300 mln ton, gazu ziemnego - 1.100 mld m3 (prof. J. Soko 2;owski, 2001 r.). Przyjmując dotychczasowe zużycie gazu w ciągu ostatnich 5 lat na poziomie 10-11 mld m3/rok - Polska ma zasoby w 2;asne gazu wystarczające na 100 lat.

Konieczność wykorzystania odnawialnych zasobów energii (OŹE)

Zasoby naturalne Polski i świata nieustannie maleją, zanieczyszczenie środowiska wyk 2;adniczo rośnie. Ostatni raport Zespo 2;u ONZ ds. Zmian Klimatycznych ("Climate Change 2001") jednoznacznie stwierdza, iż jeżeli nie uda się ograniczyć emisji zanieczyszcze 4; do atmosfery o 70 proc. rocznie, to ludzkość zostanie dotknięta zmianami ekologicznymi o niewyobrażalnych dotąd rozmiarach (powodzie, śnieżyce, klęski żywio 2;owe, zmiany klimatu). W styczniu 2001 r. Unia Europejska przyję 2;a "Strategię Ochrony Środowiska do roku 2010", gdzie ustalono zmniejszenie emisji zanieczyszcze 4; o minimum 20-40 proc. do roku 2020 - co będzie wymaga 2;o zupe 2;nie nowej strategii i zmiany polityki energetycznej pa 4;stw UE.
Decyzja Rady Europy z września 2001 r. określa konieczność szerszego rozwoju zastosowa 4; odnawialnych zasobów energii (OŹE); 22 proc. produkcji energii do roku 2010 w bilansie energetycznym pa 4;stw UE ma pochodzić ze źróde 2; odnawialnych.
W Polsce tymczasem nie ma do dziś bilansu energetycznego kraju, zawierającego oceny zasobów kopalnych i odnawialnych (OŹE), 2;ącznego potencja 2;u energetycznego zasobów w 2;asnych, rzetelnego bilansu potrzeb na najbliższe lata (Sejm, 2000).
Fundamentalnymi b 2;ędami polityki energetycznej pa 4;stwa są: niedoszacowanie w 2;asnych zasobów źróde 2; energii, przeszacowanie potrzeb energetycznych kraju, brak wizji i strategii trwa 2;ego oraz zrównoważonego rozwoju Polski z uwzględnieniem w 2;asnych zasobów kopalnych i odnawialnych (Sejm, 2000, 2001).

Potencja 2; energetyczny odnawialnych źróde 2; energii w Polsce

W dokumentach rządowych poprzedniej koalicji AWS - UW (II. Polityka Ekologiczna Polski, Strategia rozwoju energetyki odnawialnej - Sejm, sierpie 4; 2001) źle oszacowano możliwości i potrzeby Polski w zakresie zasobów energetycznych, niewspó 2;miernie zaniżając ogromne bogactwo narodowe i potencja 2; energetyczny w nich zawarty.
Nie ulega wątpliwości, że 2;ączny potencja 2; tych zasobów przekracza wielokrotnie roczne potrzeby Polski.
Przeprowadzone w ostatnich latach oceny zasobów odnawialnych wykazują, iż w sumie przekraczają one przesz 2;o 100-krotnie potrzeby kraju na energię pierwotną.
Największy potencja 2; energetyczny zawarty jest w energii geotermicznej (gorąca woda, gorące ska 2;y) - ocenia się, iż na ponad 80 proc. powierzchni kraju są warunki do rozwoju energetyki geotermalnej. Zasoby te stanowią 99 proc. potencja 2;u OŹE w Polsce, resztę oko 2;o 1 proc. stanowią 2;ącznie zasoby energii: wiatru, s 2;o 4;ca, biomasy i wody.
Trzeba podkreślić, iż koszt jednostki energii cieplnej otrzymywanej z zasobów geotermalnych w Europie Zachodniej (Francja, Niemcy, W 2;ochy) jest o 30-50 proc. niższy niż z gazu lub oleju. W Polsce koszt wytworzenia 1 GJ energii cieplnej, wed 2;ug danych Geotermii: Pyrzyce, Podhala 4;skiej i Mszczonów - jest średnio 30 proc. niższy od cen MPEC (2000 r.).

Dotychczasowe modele paliwowo-energetyczne Polski

Dotąd w dzia 2;aniach obecnego rządu brak jest odważnej wizji gospodarczej, która mog 2;aby zdecydowanie popchnąć gospodarkę do przodu, zaś spo 2;ecze 4;stwo zmobilizować do większej aktywności. Wchodzimy w kolejny rok rozpaczliwej bezradności rządzących wobec narastających problemów gospodarczych, bezrobocia i frustracji spo 2;ecze 4;stwa w miastach, a szczególnie na wsi.
Rządowy program reformy energetyki i górnictwa kamiennego nie zda 2; egzaminu. Olbrzymie pieniądze skierowane na ten cel nie zmieni 2;y pozytywnie tego sektora, ale przyczyni 2;y się zdecydowanie do niespotykanego bezrobocia na Śląsku i w kraju.
Zad 2;użenie górnictwa w ciągu ostatnich 5 lat wros 2;o z 2,5 mld USD do ponad 5 mld USD.
Jest problem zasadniczy! Jaki model paliwowo-energetyczny kraju mamy, a jaki winniśmy mieć?
Przez wiele lat by 2; to model węglowo-gazowy, wynikający z naturalnych zasobów Polski i potrzeb gospodarki, który pozwala 2; na samowystarczalność energetyczną kraju. W latach 80. nastąpi 2;a zasadnicza zmiana, próbowano koncepcji modelu węglowo-jądrowo-gazowego, z planowaną dominacją energetyki jądrowej i gazowej, który ostatecznie doczeka 2; się likwidacji atomistyki, redukcji o 50 proc. górnictwa węglowego i olbrzymiego lobby gazowego ("transakcja stulecia" - na gaz z Rosji).
Dziś nic konkretnego nie wiemy! Wspó 2;czynnik bezpiecze 4;stwa energetycznego kraju ciągle spada! Podpisanie wielu kontraktów na dostawy gazu (Rosja, Niemcy, Dania, Norwegia), przekraczające 2;ącznie nasze potrzeby, przy równoczesnym likwidowaniu zdolności wydobywczej polskiego górnictwa, spowodowa 2;o poważne dylematy.
Z jakim modelem gospodarki energetycznej w Polsce mamy do czynienia: gazowo-węglowym czy węglowo-gazowym?
- Jeżeli energetyka polska oparta jest w 98 proc. na wykorzystaniu węgla ("Rzeczpospolita", 16.11.2001 r.), to winien być to nadal model węglowy.
- Jeżeli Polska ma w 2;asne udokumentowane zasoby gazu na blisko 100 lat eksploatacji, to winien być to nadal model gazowy z wzrastającą dominacją wydobycia w 2;asnego (redukcja importu, renegocjacje umów gazowych, nowe miejsca pracy, likwidacja bezrobocia).
- Jeżeli Polska ma największe w Europie, udokumentowane zasoby odnawialnej energii geotermicznej o potencjale energetycznym (PJ) przekraczającym wielokrotnie nasze roczne potrzeby, to winien być to również model geotermalny (nowa ga 2;ąź nauki, techniki i przemys 2;u w Polsce, nowe kierunki kszta 2;cenia, nowe zawody, nowe miejsca pracy).
Tak nakazują rachunek ekonomiczny, interes narodowy i śmia 2;a wizja rozwoju gospodarczego i cywilizacyjnego Polski u progu XXI wieku.

Jaki model paliwowo-energetyczny dla Polski?
Nie ma wątpliwości, że optymalnym wariantem dla Polski jest model zrównoważonej gospodarki paliwowo-energetycznej o strukturze: węgiel - gaz - geotermia.
Jest to model do przyjęcia w Polsce, albowiem bazą podstawową jest i pozostanie przez wiele lat rodzimy węgiel kamienny i brunatny (elektroenergetyka zawodowa). Gaz i paliwa ropopochodne stanowić będą nośniki uzupe 2;niające (przemys 2;, ciep 2;ownictwo, gospodarka skojarzona). Geotermia może pokryć stopniowo pe 2;ne zapotrzebowanie kraju na gorącą wodę (ogrzewanie, wentylacja, klimatyzacja, rekreacja, sport, balneologia, zdrowie, lecznictwo).
Przyjęcie takiego modelu stwarza możliwość (węgiel):
- określenia optymalnego, koniecznego wydobycia węgla kamiennego i brunatnego w Polsce dla kraju i na eksport (dziś ok. 100 mln ton węgla kamiennego);
- konsolidacji górnictwa (duże, silne podmioty gospodarcze), wdrożenie nowego modelu organizacji i zarządzania branżą (minimalna liczba podmiotów zarządzających), powstanie Koncernu "Polski Węgiel";
- uczynienie z węgla konkurencyjnego paliwa dla gazu (chemiczna przeróbka węgla);
- powiązania górnictwa z energetyką, hutnictwem, budownictwem - ga 2;ęziami przemys 2;u po 2;ączonymi w ujęciu makroekonomicznym, regionalnym, nietraktowanymi sektorowo.
Drugą przes 2;anką takiego wariantu są rozpoznane i udokumentowane, w 2;asne zasoby gazu. W imię obrony istniejącego potencja 2;u wydobywczego (ludzie, urządzenia, organizacja) oraz likwidacji bezrobocia - można szybko osiągnąć w 2;asne wydobycie na poziomie 8 mld m3/rok (tak jak to by 2;o w latach 70.). Pozwoli 2;oby to zmniejszyć import gazu o minimum 50 proc. (z Rosji, do wartości 4 mld m3/rok, co stanowi 2;oby przesz 2;o 30 proc. potrzeb kraju z jednego kierunku, zgodnie z zaleceniem UE - dywersyfikacja dostaw). Należa 2;oby równolegle skonsolidować PGNiG i utworzyć koncern "Polski Gaz" - na wzór podobnych silnych pa 4;stwowych podmiotów gazowych w Europie Zachodniej, powrócić do intensywnych wierce 4; i poszukiwa 4; gazowo-naftowo-geotermalnych, jak to by 2;o do 1975-78 r.
Docelowo roczne wydobycie polskiego gazu ziemnego mog 2;oby osiągnąć 8-10 mld m3/rok.
W ten sposób można by znacząco ograniczyć import gazu ze Wschodu (do poziomu 2;ącznie oko 2;o 3-4 mld m3/rok) i zdecydować się na podobne zakupy 2;ączne z Danii lub Norwegii (alternatywa, dywersyfikacja, tranzyt gazu przez Polskę, komercja).
Trzecią istotną przes 2;anką takiego wyboru są w 2;asne, niewyczerpywalne zasoby energii geotermalnej, największe w Europie, umożliwiające korzystanie na 80 proc. powierzchni kraju z gorących wód o temperaturze 60-120 st. C (z odwiertów już istniejących, kilka tysięcy sztuk i planowanych nowych o g 2;ębokości do 3.000 m). Uruchomienie na terenie każdej gminy od jednej do kilku ciep 2;owni geotermalnych pozwoli 2;oby praktycznie na ca 2;kowite rozwiązanie problemu wytwarzania ciep 2;ej wody użytkowej dla celów ciep 2;owniczych budownictwa, us 2;ug, sportu, lecznictwa itp. Taka strategia rozwoju energetyki odnawialnej pozwoli 2;aby Polsce wywiązać się z przyjętych zobowiąza 4; międzynarodowych, konwencji ekologicznych i wewnętrznego prawa. Pozwoli 2;oby to na ogromną oszczędność gazu dla ogrzewania budynków i procesów cieplnych, zmniejszy 2;oby emisję zanieczyszcze 4; środowiska, zredukowa 2;oby bezrobocie, spowodowa 2;oby powstanie nowego przemys 2;u geoenergetycznego, nowych zawodów i us 2;ug.
Przyjęcie takiej koncepcji rozwoju gospodarczego Polski u progu XXI wieku - pa 4;stwa dążącego do samowystarczalności energetycznej, ekologicznego, z nową narodową wizją rozwoju gospodarczego, cywilizacyjnego i naukowego o standardach światowych - jest szansą, koniecznością i obowiązkiem naszego pokolenia.

Jak rozmawiać z Moskwą

Kilka dni temu odby 2;o się spotkanie grupy roboczej polsko-rosyjskiej na temat gazu. Osobiście radzi 2;bym nie spieszyć się z żadnymi strategicznymi decyzjami. W świetle faktów i argumentów, które tu przedstawiono i które są znane w środowisku specjalistów - należy:
- najpierw wykorzystać opinie rzetelnych i niezależnych środowisk naukowych, mając na względzie przede wszystkim w 2;asny interes narodowy;
- przyjąć "Strategię i program rozwoju branży paliwowo-energetycznej do lat 2010-30-50 z punktu widzenia potrzeb kraju, możliwości zaspokojenia tych potrzeb we w 2;asnym zakresie, op 2;acalności ekonomicznej przedsięwzięcia".
Renegocjacja "kontraktu stulecia" i konieczne zmniejszenie dostaw gazu z Rosji stworzą na polskim rynku warunki dla rozwoju w 2;asnego wydobycia ropy i gazu (bezrobocie), pozwolą na strategicznie pilny i ważny rozwój polskiego sektora energetyki odnawialnej, określą ewentualny, konieczny import gazu z krajów skandynawskich.
Na rozmowy do Moskwy (jak i Oslo czy Kopenhagi) należy jechać jako zasobny w energię partner, który może, ale nie musi kupować za wszelką cenę określonych limitów gazu. Mamy wszystkie nośniki energii i w bliskiej perspektywie możemy być znowu samowystarczalni energetycznie. Tak jak sta 2;o się z polskim kompleksem żywnościowym. Ale do realizacji takich przedsięwzięć potrzebni są charyzmatyczni przywódcy, z wiedzą, patriotycznym i kompetentnym zapleczem intelektualnym, z wizją rozwoju i obrony interesów kraju oraz odwagą. Polsce potrzebne są pozytywne, silne bodźce, by ją wydobyć z recesji. Tego oczekują Polacy od swoich rządzących! Ten czas już nadszed 2;.

prof. Jacek Zimny, Nasz Dziennik, 2002-01-14

Polski KARABIN PRZECIWPANCERNY "Ur"

Lech Alex Bajan — Mon, 07 Dec 2009 11:29:08 EST

Wassermann i Kępa wykluczeni z komisji "hazardowej"

Lech Alex Bajan — Mon, 07 Dec 2009 10:29:51 EST

Wassermann i Kępa wykluczeni z komisji "hazardowej"pos. Zbigniew Wassermann (2009-12-07)Aktualności dnia
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Bush Officials Relied On Communist Torture Techniques

Lech Alex Bajan — Sun, 06 Dec 2009 12:13:43 EST

Bush Officials Relied On Communist Torture Techniques

Poland Afganistan by Michalkiewicz

Lech Alex Bajan — Sun, 06 Dec 2009 11:30:02 EST

"Myśląc Ojczyzna"red. Stanis 2;aw Michalkiewicz (2009-12-02)Felieton
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Szanowni Pa 4;stwo!
W wierszu opisującym koniec świata Czes 2;aw Mi 2;osz k 2;adzie nacisk na to, że wszystko wygląda na pozór zwyczajnie; "pijak zasypia na brzegu trawnika, nawo 2;ują na ulicy sprzedawcy warzywa(...)a którzy czekali b 2;yskawic i grzmotów, są zawiedzeni". Więc niby nic szczególnego się nie dzieje, ale koniec świata już w 2;aśnie się rozpoczą 2; - no a kiedy nawet najmniej spostrzegawczy obserwator zoeirntuje się, co się dzieje - będzie już za późno na cokolwiek.
Podobnie nic szczególnego nie dzia 2;o się 1 grudnia, kiedy wszed 2; w życie traktat lizbo 4;ski, a Polska sta 2;a się częścią sk 2;adową proklamowanego w 2;aśnie europejskiego cesarstwa pod nazwą Unią Europejska. Nic się nie dzia 2;o - jeśli oczywiście nie liczyć tego, że pod Kancelarią Premiera demonstrujący policjanci krzyczeli: "z 2;odzieje, z 2;odzieje!", zaś w Sejmie, do którego w 2;aśnie powróci 2; "Zbycho", czyli by 2;y przewodniczący Klubu Parlamentarnego Platformy Obywatelskiej, sejmowa komisja śledcza próbuje ustalić, kto jest większym, a kto mniejszym 2;ajdakiem - bo w związku z postępującą utratą przez Polskę politycznej suwerenności - nasi politycy żadnymi poważniejszymi sprawami zajmować się już nie mogą. Jeśli w ogóle cokolwiek mogą, to sprawiać wrażenie, jakoby podejmowali suwerenne decyzje, podczas gdy tak naprawdę, tylko wykonują ustalenia i polecenia starszych i mądrzejszych.
Znakomitym przyk 2;adem takiego postępowania jest niedawna deklaracja premiera Donalda Tuska o wys 2;aniu kolejnego kontyngentu askarisów na wojnę w Afganistanie. Rząd przedstawia to jako w 2;asną decyzję, podjętą po rozmowie z ameryka 4;skim prezydentem Obamą, ale przecież żyją jeszcze ludzie pamiętający, jak przed kilkoma tygodniami ameryka 4;ski ambasador Lee Feinstein dziekowa 2; polskiemu rządowi za podjęcie decyzji o wys 2;aniu dodatkowego kontyngentu askarisów do Afganistanu. Minister obrony Bogdan Klich sprawia 2; wrażenie zaskoczonego, że to niby żadnej decyzji w tej sprawie jeszcze nie podjęto, bo przecież ostatnie s 2;owo ma Zwierzchnik Si 2; Zbrojnych, czyli pan prezydent - ale okazuje się, że ambasador Feinstein wiedzia 2; lepiej. Co tu ma do gadania jakiś tubylczy minister, czy nawet prezydent, kiedy starsi i mądrzejsi decyzję w sprawie askarisów już podjęli?
W tej sytuacji wygląda na to, że telefoniczna rozmowa z prezydentem Obamą pozwoli 2;a premieru Tusku uratować pozory, że to niby o wszystkim zdecydowa 2; sam. Trzerba powiedzieć, że ze strony prezydenta Obamy to duża uprzejmość, bo przecież askarisi zostaliby wys 2;ani i bez tej rozmowy. Ale - powiedzmy sobie szczerze - co prezydentowi Obamie szkodzi okazać trochę uprzejmości tubylczemu mężykowi stanu, któremu zależy już tylko na ratowaniu pozorów? Nic mu nie szkodzi, zw 2;aszcza że za wysy 2;kę askarisów i ich pobyt w Afganistanie Polska zap 2;aci tak, jak p 2;aci do tej pory. Jeśli wierzyć ministrowi Klichowi - ale czy któremukolwiek ministrowi można dzisiaj wierzyć? - ponad 600 milionów z 2;otych rocznie. Ale dzięki temu możemy uczestniczyć w podtrzymywaniu tam iluzorycznej w 2;adzy ameryka 4;skiego agenciaka Hamida Karzaja, co w oficjalnej nowomowie nazywa się "umacnianiem demokracji".
W ogóle demokracja, a już zw 2;aszcza nasza m 2;oda, charakteryzuje się zwiększonym udzia 2;em agenciaków na najwyższych szczeblach konstytucyjnych organów związanych z zewnętrznymi znamionami w 2;adzy. Nie dość, że desperacka obrona legendy by 2;ego prezydsenta naszego pa 4;stwa Lecha Wa 2;ęsy napotyka coraz większe trudności i przyjmowana jest z rosnącym niedowierzaniem, a tu IPN opublikowa 2; w 2;aśnie książkę, z której wynika, że agentem by 2; również kolejny by 2;y prezydent naszego pa 4;stwa Aleksander Kwaśniewski. Zważywszy, że i genera 2; Wojciech Jaruzelski już w latach 40-tych zosta 2; rezydentem Informacji Wojskowej, czyli ówczesnej razwiedki, możemy chyba mówić o prawid 2;owości. Czy w tej sytuacji można w Polsce w ogóle zostać politykiem nie będąc niczyim agentem? To oczywiście jest pytanie retoryczne, bo "ko 4; - jaki jest - każdy widzi", ale mimo, a może w 2;aśnie dlatego, dobrze objaśnia przyczyny dla których zarówno strategiczni partnerzy, jak również starsi i mądrzejsi z pa 4;stw trzecich, penetrują Polskę na wylot i zawczasu informują tubylcze w 2;adze o decyzjach, jakie będą musia 2;y suwerennie podjąć.
A skoro już mowa o wysy 2;anych do Afganistanu askarisach, to jest to dobra okazja do przyjrzenia się naszej s 2;awnej armii. W lecie tego roku liczy 2;a ona 93 tysiące żo 2;nierzy, w tym niewiele ponad 100 genera 2;ów, 22 tysiące oficerów, 45 tysięcy podoficerów, 12 tysięcy szeregowców zawodowych i 10 tysięcy - nadterminowych. Wynika z tego, że na jednego szeregowca przypada jeden oficer i dwóch podoficerów - zupe 2;nie jak w czasach saskich, s 2;usznie uchodzących za epokę najg 2;ębszego upadku Polski.
Ale jeśli z punktu widzenia polskiego interesu pa 4;stwowego taka sytuacja wydaje się alarmująca, to z punktu widzenia strategicznych partnerów wygląda to zupe 2;nie inaczej. Jeszcze pod koniec lat 80-tych ówczesny sowiecki minister spraw zagranicznych Edward Szedwardnadze powiedzia 2;, że Związek Radziecki zgadza się na zjednoczenie Niemiec pod warunkiem, że między zjednoczonymi Niemcami, a Związkiem Radzieckim zostanie ustanowiona strefa buforowa. Strefa buforowa - a więc obszar rozbrojony i pozbawiony przemys 2;u ciężkiego, który w razie potrzeby można by przestawić na produkcję broni. I w tym w 2;aśnie kierunku Polska jest przekszta 2;cana, za pośrednictwem w 2;adz tubylczych. Bo przecież i z punktu widzenia Naszej Z 2;otej Pani Anieli jest znacznie lepiej, jeśli na straży polskich interesów pa 4;stwowych stoi niezawodna Bundeswehra, gotowa - jak powszechnie wiadomo - bronić nas aż do ostatniej kropli krwi. Zatem, opar 2;szy kraj na takim fundamencie bezpiecze 4;stwa, nasi mężykowie stanu spokojnie mogą skupić się już wy 2;ącznie na dba 2;ości o w 2;asny wizerunek - bo ważniejszymi sprawami zajmują się starsi i mądrzejsi.
A więc, chociaż wszystko z pozoru wygląda zwyczajnie, niczym w wierszu Czes 2;awa Mi 2;osza, to wiele wskazuje na to, że koniec świata dla nas już się w 2;aśnie rozpoczą 2;, a skoro się rozpoczą 2;, to pewnie zostanie doprowadzony do obmyślonego z góry fina 2;u.
Mówi 2; Stanis 2;aw Michalkiewicz

Poland ShipYards Polski pos. Antoni Macierewicz Sprawa Stoczni Polskich (2009-12-03) Felieton

Lech Alex Bajan — Sun, 06 Dec 2009 11:23:03 EST

G 2;os Polski pos. Antoni Macierewicz Sprawa Stoczni Polskich (2009-12-03) Felieton G 2;os Polski pos. Antoni Macierewicz Sprawa Stoczni Polskich (2009-12-03) Felieton

G 2;os Polski pos. Antoni Macierewicz Sprawa Stoczni Polskich (2009-12-03) Felieton

s 2;uchaj
zapisz

Warsaw rising 1944 Poland World War II

Lech Alex Bajan — Sat, 05 Dec 2009 19:02:26 EST

Warsaw rising 1944 Poland World War II

part 1

part 2

part 3

Defensive doctrine of Poland used in 1939: to be or not to be.

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 04 Dec 2009 13:48:28 EST

Defensive doctrine of Poland used in 1939: to be or not to be.

The 70th anniversary of the outbreak of the Second World War was commemorated in Gda 4;sk, where German battleship Schlezwig-Holstein on a “goodwill visit” on September 1, 1939 at 4.45 a.m. fired the first shots of the war with its 16 inch guns aiming at Polish military base on the peninsula of Westerplatte in the free city of Gdansk. On September 1, 2009 European heads of governments gathered on Westerplatte, to commemorate and honor the anniversary of WWII.

Defensive doctrine of Poland, was used in earnest starting on January 26, 1939 when German minister von Ribbentrop was told in Warsaw that Poland will not join the pact against Russia. Poles followed the advice of Marshal Józef Pi 2;sudski, who in his last will and testament wrote, that in order to preserve not only the independence of Poland, but in fact Poland’s very existence, the government of Poland had “to veer between Germany and Russia as long as possible and then bring the rest of the world into the conflict, rather than subordinating Poland to either one of its two neighbors.” The choice of the verb “to veer” indicated that Pi 2;sudski was fully aware of the reality, that Poland formed a barrier between two main protagonists and most powerful contenders on the European continent: Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Union.

Stalin fearful of a two front war by Germany and Japan against the USSR decided to stop the Japanese Kwantung Army by Soviet attack in August 1939, a few days before the Pact Ribbentrop-Mo 2;otow was to be signed in Moscow. According to The Oxford Companion to World War II (Oxford University Press, 1995) Soviet general Grigory Zhukov was the first in history to use the blitz-krieg tactics. These tactics were developed jointly by Germans and Russians on Soviet polygons after the Treaty of Rapallo of April 16, 1922.

From May 28, 1939 on the largest air battles in history, up to that time, were fought in Asia and involved 140 to 200 Soviet and Japanese aircraft (A. Stella, Khalkhin-Gol, "The Forgotten War", Journal of Contemporary History, 18, 1983). Heavy Japanese loses and betrayal by Germany were to bring an end to Japanese-Soviet war. Zhukov organized a surprise counteroffensive using 35 infantry battalions, 20 cavalry squadrons, 500 aircraft and 500 of the new and powerful tanks. This force locally outnumbered the forces of the advancing Kwantung Army.

On August 20, 1939 Zhukov launched a surprise attack and in ten days inflicted massive casualties on the Japanese. "Zhukov's essential achievement lay in combining tanks, artillery, aircraft and men in an integrated offensive for the first time in modern war. By 31 August, the Russians have completed what they described as the most impeccable encirclement of the enemy army since Hannibal beat the Romans at Cannae. The 23rd Division of the Kwantung Army was virtually wiped out, and at least 18,000 Japanese were killed." (P. Snow "Nomonhan -the Unknown Victory", History Today, July 1990.)

Poles threatened by Hitler with complete eradication of the Polish state in the historic Polish lands, knew that Stalin threatened Poland with terror and enslavement. Germany then was the worse of the two evils. Poles made a rational decision and refused to help Germany to defeat Russia. Poland’s refusal saved the Soviet Union from destruction. The Russians so far do not want to admit this fact.

During the 1930ties the League of Nations was trying to prevent the outbreak of hostilities. Then, on August 11, 1939, Hitler finally said to Jacob Burkhardt, Commissioner of the League of Nations: "Everything I undertake is directed against Russia; if the West is too stupid and blind to grasp this, I shall be compelled to come to an agreement with the Russians, beat the West and then, after their defeat, turn against the Soviet Union with all my forces. I need the Ukraine so that they can not starve me out as happened in the last war." (Roy Dennan "Missed Chances," Indigo, London 1997, p. 65).

Hitler’s plan to create “Great Germany” populated by “racial Germans from the River Rhine to the Dnepr River in the Ukraine,” was known to marshal Pi 2;sudski, who understood that Hitler planned eventual eviction and mass murder of Poles and Ukrainians. Earlier on March 3, 1918, in Brest Litovsk, a town occupied by the Germans, Lenin’s government signed a humiliating capitulation, which yielded to German dictate and agreed to make Russia a vassal state of Germany. Berlin planned to treat Russia like Britain treated India and make a colonial empire ruled by Germany from the River Rhine to Vladivostok. In 1939 the territory of Poland blocked Germany from the direct access to the Ukraine and to Russia.

Already on August 5, 1935 Hitler started pressing the government of Poland to sign a pact with Germany against Russia, as is described in detail by Józef Lipski, the ambassador of Poland in Germany, in 1933-39. Stalin’s government was aware of Hitler’s plans and of the pact between Germany and Japan against Russia signed in 1936. Stalin feared a two front war, Japanese attack from the east and German attack from the west. When Poland refused to join Germany on January 26, 1939 Stalin thought that he had a chance to entangle Germany in a long lasting war on the western front, as it happened during WWI.

For all practical purposes Stalin offered to divide Poland between Germany and Russia by inviting the German-Soviet cooperation on March 10, 1939 in a speech broadcast by radio and addressed to the 18th convention of the Soviet Communist Party. Eventually Treaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was signed in Moscow and dated August 23, 1939. The news of German-Soviet pact and German betrayal, came in the middle of a Japanese disaster, which lead to cease fire and an end of hostilities between Japan and Soviet Union on September 16, 1939 after Japan lodged a formal protest in Berlin against the “Ribbentrop – Molotov Pact.”

Thus, Poland’s decision to defend itself ruined Hitler’s “best case scenario” and his plans to defeat Stalin in a two-front war against Russia. Instead Stalin managed to entangle the Germans in a two-front war. The “great game” consisted of competition between Hitler and Stalin who defeats whom in a two-front war by means of attacks from the east and from the west.

Poland was caught in the middle of struggle of much more powerful countries, both governed by totalitarian regimes. Nazi government considered itself to be the “natural heir” of the British Empire. This helped the Poles to sign the Polish-British Common Defense Pact against German aggression on August 25, 1939. The signing happened after Poland, on July 25, 1939 gave to Britain and France each, a copy of a linguistic deciphering electro-mechanical device for the German secret military code system Enigma. American code expert David A. Hatch of the Center of Criptic History, NSA, Fort George G. Meade, Maryland, wrote that “the breaking of the Enigma by Poland was one of the cornerstones of Allied victory over Germany.”

Poland’s resolve to defend itself was remarkable against the backdrop of pacifist Western Europe. Poland derailed Hitler’s strategy by refusing to help Germany to attack Russia with a total of about 600 divisions. A force twice larger, than was the Soviet army in 1939. Because of Poland, Hitler had to betray Japan and lose some 200 Japanese division after he had potential 100 Polish divisions or some three and half million Polish soldiers (10% pre-wear population of Poland).

Soviet-Japanese war ended with the cease-fire signed on September 15, 1939, it was put in force the next day, on Sept. 16th and on September 17th 1939, the Red Army, freed of the hostilities against Japan, joined the Germans in the invasion of Poland, which was in progress since September 1, 1939. German records show that Germans used 50% more ammunition in Poland in September 1939, than they used against the French and the British in 1940.

In 1939 during the battle of Poland, the Poles destroyed one third of German armor used against Poland and one fourth of German airplanes. During the war heroic deeds were performed by Polish pilots serving with the 17,000 Polish airmen in Gr. Britain as well as by Polish sailors, who helped to sink the battleship Bismarck etc. Polish Second Corp won the battle of Monte Cassino and opened for the Allies the road to Rome.

In August 1944 the Polish First Armored Division played a decisive role in the battle for France where it defeated the Hermann Goering Pantzer Division in a decisive battle of Fallaise in Normandy. On the Western Front Polish armed forces constituted the third largest allied force after the USA and Gr. Britain.

Russia was most likely saved from defeat by Poland’s refusal to join Germany in the attack on Soviet Union in 1939. When Hitler had to joined Stalin to defeat Poland, he caused Germany to betray Japan, which therefore signed ceasefire with Russia and ceased to fight against the Siberian Army, the same army that took part in battle of Moscow and caused sudden worsening of the situation of the German Army on the eastern front.

"On 1 December, [1941] Army Group Center made a last all-out attack to take Moscow, but the balance of forces favored the defender. ... At down of 3 December, Zhukov's Siberian divisions [100,000 men with 300 tanks and 2000 artillery pieces] crushed through the extended flanks of the [German] Army Group Center." (Stephen Badsey, "World War II Battle Plans" 2000, p. 98).

German General Staff estimated that if the Germans had 45-50 divisions more, they would not have lost the battle of Moscow. Ironically this is the number of divisions with which Poland defended itself in 1939. As mentioned before Poland saved Russia by refusing to join in German attack on the Soviet Union - a fact, which the Russians hate to admit. On the other hand, when the leaders of the Ukrainian nationalists, who were willing to fight on the German side and proclaimed the independence of Ukraine in Lvov (Lwów, Lviv) in 1941, they were arrested and imprisoned in the bunker of Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp near Berlin.

In 1940, when Hitler was victorious in France, he was in euphoria and he ordered Adolf Eichmann to prepare a four year plan to evacuate all European Jews under German occupation and deport them, using French and British navy, to a super ghetto, to be supervised by Hermann Goering, on the island of Madagascar (this is shown on the Internet). After Hitler lost the crucial battle of Moscow and realized that Germany may lose the war, he decided to commit the genocide of the Jew, as a preventive measure so that they would not benefit and exploit defeated Germany. Similar Nazi logic was used in 1945, during mass murder of prisoners evacuated from concentration camps.

Hitler took his own life on April 30, 1945, when the news came that the powerful German army group “Mitte,” under the command of field marshal Ferdinand Schroeder, ordered by him to rescue Berlin, had been defeated by the 2nd Polish army near Bautzen (Budziszyn) on April 21-27. It was the bloodiest battle fought by Poles in World War II. 26,000 German elite soldiers of the Berlin rescue force were killed there and 314 of their best tanks and 135 self-propelled guns were lost. 27,000 Germans were taken prisoner, most of them wounded in combat.

The First Polish Army organized by the Soviets was the only non-Soviet force to capture Berlin, the Second Polish Army won the battle of Bautzen against the Berlin rescue force which included the rebuilt Hermann Goering Pantzer Division, the GrossDeutchland Corps and other famous German divisions.

Despite horrible losses inflicted on Poland and the tragic loss of over six million people or 10% of the population, Poland survived the war, despite the betrayal by Roosevelt and Churchill in Teheran in 1943 and in Potsdam in 1945 and the years of post-war years terror of Jakub Berman and other communist collaborators.

Poles remember that during Soviet invasion of Poland in 1920, Lenin attempted to overrun Poland and form a Moscow-Berlin axis, in order to start a world wide communist revolution. General Mikhail Tukhachevsky gave the order to the Red Army on July 4, 1920: “To the west, over the corpse of ‘White Poland,’ on the road to the worldwide conflagration.” (Pogonowski, Iwo Cyprian. “Poland an Illustrated History,” New York: Hippocrene Books Inc., 2000. Page 17.)

The leadership of Józef Pi 2;sudski and his realistic defensive doctrine helped to save the Polish nation, the only one in Europe to fight Hitler and Stalin, against all odds and at a critical junction of history decisively weighed in against Hitler’s Germany. Poland formed an underground state under German occupation and had government in exile during the war. Now Poland is a free country and has the same borders, which it had already one thousand years ago. Among Poland’s 38 million people, there is one of the smallest numbers of ethnic minorities. Hopefully now Poland will have a chance to live in peace as a member of NATO and of the European Union. This outcome is very different of what Hitler planned for Poland.

Celente The Dollar is Finished

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 04 Dec 2009 13:31:12 EST

Celente The Dollar is Finished

Celente: Bernanke is destroying the US economy

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 04 Dec 2009 13:25:32 EST

Celente: Bernanke is destroying the US economy

Ben Bernanke is on the Hill for reconfirmation hearings. Given the situation of the U.S. economy and the state of the dollar, should he be reappointed? Gerald Celente says no way.

Israel needs to be held accountable for its racism before it becomes a precedent for other countries to follow.

Lech Alex Bajan — Thu, 03 Dec 2009 12:20:50 EST

Israel needs to be held accountable for its racism before it becomes a precedent for other countries to follow. Thursday, December 3rd, 2009,
http://www.jordantimes.com/index.php?news=22017
Ethnic cleansing, pure and simple

Israel stripped over 4,500 Jerusalemite Palestinians of their “residency rights” in 2008.

This marks a huge acceleration of a policy that has been in force since Israel occupied East Jerusalem in 1967. In these 41 years, Israel has now stripped over 12,000 Palestinians of their “permits” to live in Jerusalem, 35 per cent or so of those in 2008 alone.

It also maps out exactly where the current right-wing Israeli government, which has made no secret of its wish to Judaise Jerusalem, a travesty of history if ever there was one, is heading.

The policy shows many things about Israel to anyone who wants to see. One is this: Israel does not even bother to pretend to adhere to any kind of international law or internationally accepted standards for behaviour towards a population under occupation.

East Jerusalem, Israel’s unilateral and unrecognised annexation notwithstanding, is occupied territory (indeed, all of Jerusalem remains, under international law, a corpus separatum). As such, the residents of Jerusalem and their descendants have their right of residency guaranteed under international law.

They cannot be stripped of that right simply because of some arbitrary rule that Israel made up about having to prove your “centre of life” is in Jerusalem and not being absent for too long. After all, what kind of uproar would there be if Jews who live in Israel were similarly stripped of their residency rights in America, Poland, Germany or wherever they are originally from?

But of course, the key here is that the Palestinians of Jerusalem are not Jews. And that is what this is all about. There is no way to sugar coat what Israel is doing here. It is ethnic cleansing, pure and simple. It is not quick and dramatic like in 1948, when many people were forced to flee at the point of a gun. Rather, it is slow and administrative, forced out by the stroke of a pen.

There is no excuse for this kind of behaviour. There is certainly no excuse for international inaction over the issue. Israel will claim that Palestinians in Jerusalem would not face this problem if they accepted Israeli citizenship rather than the “residency permit” the colonising power is issuing the indigenous population. But that is tantamount to forcing Palestinians to accept an illegal occupation of their land.

What next? All visitors to Jerusalem will have to sign a paper acknowledging Israel’s “eternal right to Jerusalem” before being allowed to enter?

Israel needs to be held accountable for its racism before it becomes a precedent for other countries to follow.

Prof. Pogonowski - Sachsenhausen

Lech Alex Bajan — Mon, 30 Nov 2009 18:11:47 EST

Prof. Pogonowski - Sachsenhausen

Profesor Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski

Lech Alex Bajan — Mon, 30 Nov 2009 17:27:00 EST

Profesor Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski

Brzezinka - Auschwitz - Birkenau

Tadeusz Wojtkowski - Prezes Towarzystwa Historycznego Stop

Janusz Marsza 2;ek - za 2;ożyciel pierwszej w Polsce prywatnej wioski dziecięcej, prezes spó 2;ki akcyjnej "Maja"

Marek Rawecki - Zespó 2; ds. Studium zagospodarowania przestrzennego strefy ochronnej Pa 4;stwowego Muzeum w Oświęcimiu

Jan Knycz - Przewodniczący Rady Miejskiej w Oświęcimiu

Edward Moskal - Prezes Kongresu Polonii Ameryka 4;skiej

Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski

Born Sept. 3, 1921
Lwów, Poland

in Dec 1939 left Warsaw. Dec 30, 1939 arrested by Ukrainians serving the Gestapo in Dukla, then transferred to Barwinek, Krosno, Jaslo, Tarnów, Oswiecim, arrived in Oranienburg-Sachsenhausen on Aug. 10, 1940.

April 19, 1945 started on the Death March of Brandenburg from Sachsenhausen; escaped gunfire of SS-guards and arrived to Schwerin and freedom on May 2, 1945.

September 1945 arrived in Brussels, Belgium; obtained admission as a regular student at the Catholic University: Institute Superieur de Commerce, St. Ignace in Antwerp.

in 1954 graduated in Civil Engineering at the top of his class. Was invited to join honorary societies: Tau Beta Pi (general engineering honorary society), Phi Kappa Phi (academic honorary society equivalent to Phi Beta Kappa), Pi Mu (mechanical engineering honorary society), and Chi Epsilon (civil engineering honorary society). Taught descriptive geometry at the University of Tennessee;

in 1955 graduated with M.S. degree in Industrial Engineering.

in 1955 started working for Shell Oil Company in New Orleans. After one year of managerial training was assigned to design of marine structures for drilling and production of petroleum.

in 1960 started working for Texaco Research and Development in Houston, Texas as a Project Engineer. Authored total of 50 American and foreign patents on marine structures for the petroleum industry;
wrote an article: The Rise and Fall of the Polish Commonwealth - A Quest for a Representative Government in Central and Eastern Europe in the 14th to 18th Centuries. Started to work on a Tabular History of Poland.

in 1972 moved to Blacksburg, Virginia. During the following years worked as Consulting Engineer for Texaco, also taught in Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University as Adjunct Professor in the College of Civil Engineering teaching courses on marine structures of the petroleum industry. Designed and supervised the construction of a hill top home for his family, also bought 500 acre ranch (near Thomas Jefferson National Forest) where he restored 200 years old mill house on a mountain stream.

in 1978 prepared Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. The dictionary included a Tabular History of Poland, Polish Language, People, and Culture as well as Pogonowski's phonetic symbols for phonetic transcriptions in English and Polish at each dictionary entry; the phonetic explanations were illustrated with cross-sections of speech (organs used to pronounce the sounds unfamiliar to the users). It was the first dictionary with phonetic transcription at each Polish entry for use by English speakers

in 1981 prepared Practical Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.

in 1983 prepared Concise Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. Wrote an analysis of Michael Ch ci ski's Poland, Communism, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism. Also selected crucial quotations from Norman Davies' God's Playground - A History of Poland on the subject of the Polish indigenous democratic process.

in 1985 prepared Polish-English Standard Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. Also prepared a revised and expanded edition of the Concise Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, also published by Hippocrene Books Inc.

in 1987 prepared Poland: A Historical Atlas on Polish History and Prehistory including 200 maps and graphs as well as Chronology of Poland's Constitutional and Political Development, and the Evolution of Polish Identity - The Milestones. An introductory chapter was entitled Poland the Middle Ground. Aloysius A. Mazewski President of Polish-American Congress wrote an introduction. The Atlas was published by Hippocrene Books Inc. and later by Dorset Press of the Barnes and Noble Co. Inc. which sends some 30 million catalogues to American homes including color reproduction of book covers. Thus, many Americans were exposed to the cover of Pogonowski's Atlas showing the range of borders of Poland during the history - many found out for the firsttime that Poland was an important power in the past. Total of about 30,000 atlases were printed so far.

In 1988 the publication of Poland: A Historical Atlas resulted in a number of invitations extended by several Polonian organizations to Iwo Pogonowski to present Television Programs on Polish History. Pogonowski responded and produced over two year period 220 half-hour video programs in his studio at home (and at his own expense.) These programs formed a serial entitled: Poland, A History of One Thousand Years. Total of over 1000 broadcasts of these programs were transmitted by cable television in Chicago, Detroit-Hamtramck, Cleveland, and Blacksburg.

in 1990-1991 translated from the Russian the Catechism of a Revolutionary of 1869 in which crime has been treated as a normal part of the revolutionary program. Started preparation of the Killing the Best and the Brightest: A Chronology of the USSR-German Attempt to Behead the Polish Nation showing how the USSR became a prototype of modern totalitarian state, how this prototype was adapted in Germany by the Nazis.

in 1991 prepared Polish Phrasebook, Polish Conversations for Americans including picture code for gender and familiarity, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.

in 1991 prepared English Conversations for Poles with Concise Dictionary published by Hippocrene Books Inc. By then a total of over 100,000 Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionaries written by Pogonowski were sold in the United States and abroad.

in 1992 prepared a Dictionary of Polish, Latin, Hebrew, and Yiddish Terms used in Contacts between Poles and Jews. It was prepared for the history of Jews in Poland as well as 115 maps and graphs and 172 illustrations, paintings, drawings, and documents, etc. of Jewish life in Poland. This material was accompanied by proper annotations.

in 1993 prepared Jews in Poland, Rise of the Jews as a Nation from Congressus Judaicus in Poland to the Knesset in Israel, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. in 3000 copies. Foreword was written by Richard Pipes, professor of history at Harvard University, and Pogonowski's school mate in the Keczmar school in Warsaw. Part I included: a Synopsis of 1000 Year History of Jews in Poland; the 1264 Statute of Jewish Liberties in Poland in Latin and English translation; Jewish Autonomy in Poland 1264-1795; German Annihilation of the Jews. In appendixes are documents and illustrations. An Atlas is in the Part III. It is divided as follows: Early Jewish Settlements 966-1264; The Crucial 500 Years, 1264-1795; Competition (between Poles and Jews) Under Foreign Rule, 1795-1918; The Last Blossoming of Jewish Culture in Poland, 1918-1939; German Genocide of the Jews, 1940-1944; Jewish Escape from Europe 1945-1947 - The End of European (Polish) Phase of Jewish History (when most of world's Jewry lived in Europe). Pogonowski began to write a new book starting with the Chronology of the Martyrdom of Polish Intelligentsia during World War II and the Stalinist Terror; the book in preparation was entitled Killing the Best and the Brightest.

in 1995 prepared Dictionary of Polish Business, Legal and Associated Terms for use with the new edition of the Practical Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionary and later to be published as a separate book.

in 1996 Pogonowski's Poland: A Historical Atlas; was translated into Polish; some 130 of the original 200 maps printed in color; the Chronology of Poland was also translated into Polish. The Atlas was published by Wydawnictwo Suszczy ski I Baran in Kraków in 3000 copies; additional publications are expected. Prepared Polish-English, Eglish-Polish Compact Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.

in 1997 finished preparation of the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics including over 200,000 entries, in three volumes on total of 4000 pages; it is published by Hippocrene Books Inc; the Polish title is: Uniwesalny S ownik Polsko-Angielski. Besides years of work Pogonowski spent over $50,000 on computers, computer services, typing, and proof reading in order to make the 4000 page dictionary camera ready; assisted in the preparation of second edition of Jews in Poland, Rise of the Jews from Congressus Judaicus in Poland to the Knesset in Israel published in fall of 1997. Prepared computer programs for English-Polish Dictionary to serve as a companion to the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary printed by the end of May 1997.

in 1998 Pogonowski organized preparation of CD ROM for the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary, Practical English-Polish Dictionary, Polish Phrasebook for Tourists and Travelers to Poland, all published earlier by Iwo C. Pogonowski. The Phrasebook includes 280 minutes of bilingual audio read by actors. Started preparation for a new edition of Poland: A Historical Atlas. New Appendices are being prepared on such subjects as: Polish contribution to Allied's wartime intelligence: the breaking of the Enigma Codes, Pune Munde rocket production; Poland's contribution to the international law since 1415; Poland's early development of rocket technology such as Polish Rocketry Handbook published in 1650 in which Poles introduced for the first time into the world's literature concepts of multiple warheads, multistage rockets, new controls in rocket flight, etc. Poland's Chronology is being enlarged to reflect the mechanisms of subjugation of Polish people by the Soviet terror apparatus. Continued preparation of the Killing the Best and the Brightest: A Chronology of the USSR-German Attempt to Behead the Polish Nation, including the 1992 revelations from Soviet archives as well as the current research in Poland. Continued preparation of two-volume English Polish Dictionary, a companion to the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary published in 1997. Reviewed Upiorna Dekada by J. T. Gross.

in 1999 Pogonowski continued writing Poland - An Illustrated History and preparing for it 21 maps and diagrams and 89 illustrations.

in 2000 Pogonowski prepared, in a camera ready form, Poland - An Illustrated History; it was published by Hippocrene Books Inc. NY 2000 and recommended by Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, National Security Advisor under President Carter, as "An important contribution to the better understanding of Polish history, which demonstrates in a vivid fashion the historical vicissitudes of that major European nation."

what is the Love by Rubik Poland

Lech Alex Bajan — Mon, 30 Nov 2009 13:44:50 EST

Any reform and changes in Governments nothing give because "you must first OUR COUNTRY recover".

Lech Alex Bajan — Sat, 28 Nov 2009 17:07:49 EST

Any reform and changes in Governments nothing give because "you must first OUR COUNTRY recover". Indeed, it may not still eventually to end with some unseen widzialnych and okowów. Whether the new authority will enter wisdom, knowledge, competence and conscience, to do this? And here we have a great concern. Not yet after behaves as low ch 2;op, which has been in decline in great assets for himself. After accedes to the Governments, with nierozumną joy and the spirit of struggle with all who are not are patriotami libera 2;ami, who retain Poland tradition and history and do not wish to be wch 2;onięci by the Nations of Western Europe.

In view of recent elections even more than usually hit sakramentalne almost the word "democracy". In the present world West there are even special cult goddess of democracy. But it is interesting that the two and a half thousand years ago, wise men Greek have other sentence. Plato and Aristotle-najwybitniejsi philosophers, and Hellenic historian Polybius, largest, uczyli, that democracy is the lowest and most recent retreat. First is the Patriarch of-monarchy, then aristocracy, and at the end of democracy, which quickly turns in ochlokrację, i.e. the Governments dark masses and rogue groups, and as a result, the State is falling.

And our democracy?
US democracy appeared in full its glow during the last parliamentary elections. And we have almost the same as and in Western Europe. Ordinary people seriously and with drżeniem hands shall elect and authority are always the same: either the same lots or the same systems, or the same oligarchowie, or at least their people, and usually the same ateiści political masoni and seeing some dark and hidden layouts.
As is with us? Half of those entitled to vote does not go into the elections to the justified intuitions that and so political elites do not replace. Indeed, elections have appropriate meaning only in some nodal points. triggering is country from captivity.
Half of those choosing enter fight between lots and oligarchami, but unfortunately not very substantial part knows what is playing, and another part of the railways is simply oszukana by the post-war Japan political at szulerów refers specifically to youth. And this is the mechanism for election in today's democracy. Modern democracy must be reformed. Its disease seen even during the election campaign: he, fire of epithets and or any attack, rage, deceit, Scavenger Hunt, szydzenie, ethics violations, imputowanie offences, and General chamstwo.
Sometime buddy wrote me about his polityku, pseudopolityku: "traveled to Paris give concert chamstwa". The worst for people dealing with policy, logic, common sense, often you can watch television in dysputach. Policies must be studies, but must have a healthy reason, prudence and so.
You cannot move the agenda over that Donald Tusk and some other peowcy and W 2;adys 2;aw Bartoszewski lżyli wlaz 2;o, President, as far as referring both to him and to the Prime Minister, the term "dyplomato 2;ki", and recommending to be healed, default: ill. When after the election of President wypomnia 2; Lord Tuskowi insults your people, members after and numerous journalists began calling for that Tusk is at przepraszać. Suggest this, that the President should przeprosić Mr tusk Cabinet and that mentioned an urazie. This is the perfidia. It is believed that in a democracy authority must be lżona and who with politicians not lży other or don't want to be lżony, obraża and guards its dignity, this is not a Democrat. Case with the bottom of a moral and charakterologicznym, which is a manifestation of black metal. Within 10 days after the elections tusk in an interview with Monika Olejnik said: "If the President to establish cooperation needed is the word ' sorry ', I'm sorry". In the expression contains a whole picture of the new authority. It follows that Mr Tusk yet only as head of the lot is more important than the President, who should seek cooperation with achieved and perform the first step towards harmony without request przeproszenia. Meanwhile, homo novu goes higher dignity is always present and not vice versa. But primarily the entire speech is cyniczna and kpiąca of the President. Donald Tusk puts the matter so that there is at przepraszać, and if the President wants to przeprosin, he pronounces the word "excuse me" at odczepne. Meanwhile, przeproszenie is not just a Word, is rather case morality and culture. Przepraszanemu no ubliża on newly. Unfortunately, this is a preview of what will be the new authority. Troubles this low level of moral and political.
Donald Tusk, thanking the Lord their electorate in England for support, said that "they gave him the greatest gift of life". Like this? This premiere authority to be private gifts at for him, not for people, not for Poland? Eventually the whole after potraktowa 2;o win as a gift for them? Eventually the entire Poland make good as one big "gift"? Concerns such Reaffirms further partially g 2;upawa and histeryczna joy with winnings elections as a boy he received as a colored toy. Isn't that the seriousness or care about us, Poland.
Such settlements also numberless stranding mental journalists who between the President and the future Prime Minister can only see personal animozje. Not aware that it is ultimately the fight for a profile of Poland and of livelihood. One is for a restaurant in Poland, one in its ideology is by putting Polish service dziedziczce Merkel. This not only animozje. This is the case, which must be resolved. Whoever wishes to cast Poland in total bondage Union must break and needed. That is to say: "sorry"!
Not to popaść in pessimism, need to pray for politicians. Myself to Mr. Donald Tusk its cyniczno-'s smile transformed on peace and dignity, seriousness and reliability. Myself to Ms. Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz gave up sweet-żmijowatą posture against the other in favour of female serdeczności and szlachetności. Whether Mr. Yaroslav Gowin wouldnt zstąpić with a high Polish throne judge Church and join to become members of the Church? May the Lord senator Casimir Kutz considers that Silesia within political Poland? May also after building Poland oligarchiczną, sees though one of the four million people living below subsistence?

Concern when examines various statements and conduct of politicians after (who, moreover, still do not have a program and only kalkują West), and they are stacked us large concerns in various areas.
It is feared that after rozwali economy, stock and cash, bo wants to forcibly enter a new Government of socio-economic and enter the euro zone. There is no understanding of the rural world, robotniczego and biedoty and may subject the oligarchom German economy.
It is feared that starts again z 2;odziejska privatization, which will be privatised not only the entire Earth Poland and Poland, but also water, rivers, forests and air. Pocieszający has, for example. Zakopane will two owners of air: one Germany, second Spaniard, i.e. incurrence of competition, whereby gorals less pay for respiration.
Boimy that and politically, spiritual and cultural after subjecting Poland in "macierzy 4;ską care" Mrs Merkel, like wrote last King of Poland Stanis 2;aw Poniatowski Act abdykacyjnym, assigning and Republic of Russia Katarzynie, also Niemce.
Needs that again after an era of communism will ensue, lose the spirit of Poland, a nation, patriotyzmu, Polish tradition, history, culture, language.
Question: will you imported without frontiers liberal ideologies and ateistyczna, and therefore will be luzować criminal law, discipline in education, will be szerzona demoralizacja young people? Whether "zero tolerance" Giertycha will mig abolished in favour of a fixed incentive to rozpusty, drugs "light", pija 4;stwa, that violations of any rights?
Whether the new Government will adopt the European Charter of fundamental rights, where although law: human dignity, freedom, equality, solidarity, citizenship and justice were wzniośle, but context, interpretative reimburses almost all against religion and ethics of Christian and classic? Whether we subjected under the entire court jurisdiction in Strasbourg, which will more than our Constitution, raise the dead our courts and will ferowa 2; judgments contrary to the Gospel and with Poland ration status? We already have the beginnings in the process of Mrs. Alice thousand.
Whether foreign interviews will rise again head, layouts, former esbecy, people be involved in corruption, seller Poland, frustraci, drapieżnicy and zdrajcy social? Now people from after the promise that there will be ścigali offences, for example. corruption and will zapobiegali-these offences, namely by relevant laws.
Well this stupidity and utopia. They think that would eliminate sin by resolution against him!
Boimy the open use gates for abortion, "euthanasia", homoseksualnych marriages, fighting the institution of marriage and family and reject all higher values.
There is concern that occurs the deterioration of the Church, although Tusk attempts to acquire kard. Stanislas Dziwisza, abp Kazimierz Nycza, abp. Thaddeus Goc 2;owskiego and many others. Meanwhile, the litmus paper is when to national and prawowiernego medium 370, which expresses the spirit and substance of the Polish Catholic. When will seek to exceed PiS in filosemityzmie regardless of the interests of Poland?
Needs to be destroyed deliberately acquis PiS with hatred and that invasion of opozycjonistów will in time Governments. The first signs are already in crashing people and their behaviour. at the time of the occurrence of any of its members, representing Kuchci 4;skiego Marka PiS candidate for Marshal the Sejm. Although it makes some aluzje, but the behavior of members after was really is not polite.

What?
After the elections after and most media behave as if after prison found on pikniku. Blows Utopia: hulaj soul! Some tell that media begins to have a new coalition to order soon done away euphoria. But isn't certain. When I list media Western share perspectives and ciągoty, contradicted together on niekosmopolityczny Government and justice. Media have stimulated when even in silence. Besides, now all wychwalają after attack died and bright future in colours "odes to Joy" and in a spirit of utopii Liberal, hostile Poland and chrześcija 4;stwu. During the evening electoral immediately after h. 8 there that can be won. Without waiting for the h. 11, snapshots (club after in the first place, uradowaną face tusk Cabinet and smiley mines television journalists.
If the media begins to criticize new Seym, unless they start from this that up 400 members at ślubowaniu added: "Yes me dopomóż God". Yet, if something criticises the only technique propagandową elections, say absolutely programs lots for society and Poland. For media political scene, mostly fata 2;aszki and aesthetic elements, so after u.s..
But intersects various political winds. Consider even feelings LiD after the elections. Marek Borowski •, Wojciech Olejniczak, Aleksander Kwaśniewski and numerous other distinctly there that win, it will be for Church, i.e. Catholics. And these Catholics applaud their almost 14 per cent, i.e. the number of over two million. And was coined unintelligible paradox: atakowani Catholics applaud their enemies, CI heaviness posmutnieli that these sponsors was so low. Covariation choices sometimes sometimes ridiculous. Interesting that throughout almost Europe Governments Catholics elect their enemies are Governments mostly masonów, atheists, Liberals, perpetrators of Christianity. What Catholics so opęta 2;o? Can an demoniczna hipnoza? For example, consider the present Spain. There should be governed by such an-as he ks. Primate of Poland kard. Józef Glemp-hybrid, i.e. Socialists kapitalistyczni, oligarchiczni, such socio-magnateria. Here today want to again ekshumować antykatolicką of 30 years of the revolution. the 19th century. Rządzący wściekają that the Vatican beatyfikowa 2; 498 people murdered by atheistic beliefs Raiders. So if a reaction wish to proclaim the glory and tackle monuments mordercom these Saints. At the same time, Governments also monument and our Gen. Charles Świerczewskiemu, which he commanded during the revolution five thousands of Eastern murderers, and sam strzela 2; to Catholics.
Furthermore, the Spanish Government condemns the death of General Franco and other activists of the Church. In this context, the better we understand coup Spaniards among American Indian, though be aware that Protestant Anglosasi wyniszczyli almost all Indians in North America. In the history of some dark ages which cannot understand. Needs to be something with those dark not came and us a significant degree. This is all the more dangerous, that the great countries of Western Europe sympatyzują with the current Spanish Government, which is the Church. The Governments of those countries, although preach democracy and the dignity of each human goodness dignity this attribute only ateistom, libera 2;om and niszczycielom of Christian tradition. This is the ob 2;uda demoniczna. Now cut the European Empire, do not count already at all with their societies. The only Ireland wants to undergo reform treaty under the referendum. In other countries-to-about the formation of an Empire will be decided only ponadpa 4;stwowego described above Governments. Ordinary citizens this pariasi for them.

What about Poland?
My friend, Mr. ing. Jerzy Tatol repeats continuously that any reform and changes in Governments nothing give because "you must first Poland recover". Indeed, it may not still eventually to end with some unseen widzialnych and okowów. Tried to do it justice but to the end of the Council could not. Now we before asking whether the new authority will enter wisdom, knowledge, competence and conscience, to do so. And here we have a great concern. Not yet after behaves as low ch 2;op, which has been in decline in great assets for himself. After accedes to the Governments, with nierozumną joy and the spirit of struggle with all who are not are patriotami libera 2;ami, who retain Poland tradition and history and do not wish to be wch 2;onięci by the Nations of Western Europe. Yes, there man feeling of power and importance after the authority humanizuje and calm, he no longer met and gets even 2;askawszy for political opponents. But anyway, comes to mind porzekad 2;o from pa 4;szczyźnianych: "% 20

O nawrócenie PO na PolskęKs. prof. Czes 2;aw S. Bartnik (2007-11-10)Inna audycja
s 2;uchaj
zapisz

Wszelkie reformy i zmiany rządów nic nie dają, bo "trzeba najpierw Polskę odzyskać". Rzeczywiście, nie może ona ciągle wyrwać się do ko 4;ca z jakichś widzialnych i niewidzialnych okowów. Czy nowej w 2;adzy będzie dostawa 2;o mądrości, wiedzy, kompetencji i sumienia, aby tego dokonać? I tu mamy wielkie obawy. Dotychczas PO zachowuje się tak jak ubogi ch 2;op, który otrzyma 2; w spadku wielki majątek dla siebie samego. PO przystępuje do rządów, na razie, z nierozumną radością i zarazem z duchem walki ze wszystkimi, którzy nie są libera 2;ami, którzy są patriotami, zachowują polską tradycję i historię i nie chcą być wch 2;onięci przez narody Europy Zachodniej.

W związku z ostatnimi wyborami jeszcze częściej niż zwykle pada 2;o sakramentalne niemal s 2;owo "demokracja". W obecnym świecie zachodnim istnieje nawet specjalny kult bogini demokracji. Ale ciekawe, że już dwa i pó 2; tysiąca lat temu mędrcy greccy mieli inne zdanie. Platon i Arystoteles - najwybitniejsi filozofowie, i Polibiusz, największy historyk starogrecki, uczyli, że demokracja jest ustrojem najniższym i ostatnim. Najpierw jest patriarchat-monarchia, potem następuje arystokracja, a na koniec demokracja, która szybko przeradza się w ochlokrację, czyli rządy ciemnych mas i grup zbójeckich, i w rezultacie pa 4;stwo upada.

A nasza demokracja?
U nas demokracja ukaza 2;a się w pe 2;nym swym blasku w czasie ostatnich wyborów parlamentarnych. I mamy już prawie to samo, co i w Europie Zachodniej. Zwykli ludzie poważnie i z drżeniem rąk wybierają, a w 2;adzę zdobywają zawsze ci sami: bądź te same partie, bądź te same uk 2;ady, bądź ci sami oligarchowie, a przynajmniej ich ludzie, no i zwykle ci sami ateiści polityczni, masoni i s 2;udzy jakichś ciemnych i ukrytych uk 2;adów.
Jak jest u nas? Po 2;owa uprawnionych do g 2;osowania nie idzie do wyborów, bo ma s 2;uszną intuicję, że i tak elit politycznych nie wymieni. Istotnie, wybory mają w 2;aściwe znaczenie dopiero w jakichś węz 2;owych momentach, jak np. wyzwalanie się kraju z niewoli.
Druga po 2;owa tych wybierających wdaje się w walki między partiami i oligarchami, ale niestety, znaczna ich część nie bardzo wie, o co toczy się gra, a inna część z kolei zostaje po prostu oszukana przez propagandę szulerów politycznych, co się odnosi szczególnie do m 2;odzieży. I przeważnie taki jest mechanizm wyborów w dzisiejszej demokracji. Wspó 2;czesna demokracja musi zostać zreformowana. Jej chorobę widzieliśmy choćby w czasie kampanii wyborczej: k 2;ótnie, miotanie wyzwisk i obelg, wściek 2;ość, oszustwa, podchody, szydzenie, 2;amanie etyki, imputowanie przestępstw, no i ogólne chamstwo.
Kiedyś kolega napisa 2; mi o znajomym mu polityku, a raczej pseudopolityku: "Pojecha 2; do Paryża dawać koncert chamstwa". Najgorszy jest w przypadku ludzi zajmujących się polityką brak wiedzy, logiki, zdrowego rozsądku, co często można obserwować w dysputach telewizyjnych. Polityk nie musi mieć studiów, ale musi mieć zdrowy rozum, roztropność i sumienie.
Nie można przejść do porządku dziennego nad tym, że Donald Tusk i niektórzy inni peowcy oraz W 2;adys 2;aw Bartoszewski lżyli, ile wlaz 2;o, prezydenta, odnosząc zarówno do niego, jak i do premiera termin "dyplomato 2;ki", i zalecali, by się leczy 2;, domyślnie: psychicznie. Kiedy po wyborach prezydent wypomnia 2; panu Tuskowi zniewagi swojej osoby, to cz 2;onkowie PO i liczni dziennikarze zaczęli wo 2;ać, że Tusk nie ma za co przepraszać. Wynika 2;oby z tego, że to raczej prezydent powinien przeprosić pana Tuska i jego towarzyszy za to, że wspomnia 2; o jakiejś urazie. Jest to perfidia. Uważa się, że w demokracji w 2;adza musi być lżona i kto z polityków nie lży innych lub nie chce być lżony, kto się obraża i strzeże swej godności, to nie jest demokratą. Mamy tu do czynienia z dnem moralnym i charakterologicznym, będącym przejawem neopoga 4;stwa. W 10 dni po wyborach Donald Tusk w wywiadzie z Moniką Olejnik powiedzia 2;: "Jeśli prezydentowi do nawiązania wspó 2;pracy potrzebne jest s 2;owo 'przepraszam', to mówię przepraszam". W tej wypowiedzi zawarty jest ca 2;y obraz nowej w 2;adzy. Wynika z tego, że pan Tusk jeszcze tylko jako szef partii jest ważniejszy od prezydenta, który powinien zabiegać o wspó 2;pracę z Tuskiem i wykonać pierwszy krok ku zgodzie, i to bez żądania przeproszenia. Tymczasem homo novu idzie zawsze przedstawić się wyższej godności, a nie odwrotnie. Ale przede wszystkim ca 2;a wypowiedź jest cyniczna i kpiąca z prezydenta. Donald Tusk stawia sprawę tak, że nie ma za co przepraszać, a jeśli prezydent chce przeprosin, to on wypowiada to s 2;owo "przepraszam" na odczepne. Tymczasem przeproszenie to nie tylko s 2;owo, to raczej sprawa moralności i kultury. Przepraszanemu nie ubliża się na nowo. Niestety, jest to zapowiedź tego, jaka będzie nowa w 2;adza. Martwi ten niski poziom moralny i polityczny.
Donald Tusk, dziękując swoim wyborcom w Anglii za poparcie, powiedzia 2;, że "dali mu największy prezent w życiu". Jak to? To w 2;adza premiera ma być prywatnym podarunkiem dla niego, nie dla Narodu, nie dla Polski? A może i ca 2;e PO potraktowa 2;o wygraną jako podarunek dla nich? A może i ca 2;ą Polskę potraktują jako jeden wielki "podarunek"? Obawy takie potwierdza dalej częściowo g 2;upawa i histeryczna radość z wygranych wyborów, tak jakby ch 2;opiec otrzyma 2; upragnioną kolorową zabawkę. Nie ma w tym powagi ani troski o nas, o Polskę.
Na takiej mieliźnie umys 2;owej osiedli również liczni dziennikarze, którzy między prezydentem a przysz 2;ym premierem widzą tylko animozje osobiste. Nie dostrzegają, że jest to ostatecznie walka o profil Polski i o byt Polski. Jeden jest za restauracją Polski, drugi zaś w swej ideologii jest za oddaniem Polski na s 2;użbę dziedziczce Merkel. To nie są tylko animozje. To są sprawy zasadnicze, które muszą być rozwiązane. Ten, kto zamierza oddać Polskę w ca 2;kowitą niewolę Unii, musi prze 2;amać się i ustąpić. To w 2;aśnie znaczy: "przepraszam"!
Aby nie popaść w pesymizm, trzeba się modlić za polityków PO. Żeby pan Donald Tusk swój cyniczno-ironiczny uśmiech przemieni 2; na spokój i godność, na powagę i rzetelność. Żeby pani Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz porzuci 2;a s 2;odko-żmijowatą postawę wobec innych na rzecz kobiecej serdeczności i szlachetności. Czy pan Jaros 2;aw Gowin nie móg 2;by zstąpić z wysokiego tronu sędziego Kościo 2;a polskiego i wstąpić do grona cz 2;onków tego Kościo 2;a? Może też pan senator Kazimierz Kutz uzna, że Śląsk leży w granicach politycznych Polski? Może również ca 2;a PO, budując Polskę oligarchiczną, dostrzeże choć grupkę spośród czterech milionów ludzi żyjących poniżej minimum socjalnego?

Obawy
Kiedy analizuje się różne wypowiedzi i postępowanie polityków PO (którzy zresztą ciągle nie mają programu, a tylko kalkują Zachód), to nachodzą nas duże obawy w różnych dziedzinach.
Zachodzi obawa, że PO rozwali gospodarkę, materia 2;ową i pieniężną, bo chce na si 2;ę wprowadzić nowy ustrój spo 2;eczno-gospodarczy i wejść do strefy euro. Nie ma zrozumienia dla świata wiejskiego, robotniczego i biedoty i może ca 2;ą gospodarkę podporządkować oligarchom niemieckim.
Zachodzi obawa, że ruszy znowu z 2;odziejska prywatyzacja, w której zostanie sprywatyzowana nie tylko ca 2;a ziemia polska i w ogóle Polska, ale także wody, rzeki, lasy i samo powietrze. Pocieszający ma być fakt, że np. w Zakopanem będzie dwóch w 2;aścicieli powietrza: jeden Niemiec, drugi Hiszpan, czyli powstanie konkurencja, dzięki której górale mniej zap 2;acą za oddychanie.
Boimy się, że i pod względem politycznym, duchowym i kulturowym PO podda Polskę w "macierzy 4;ską opiekę" pani Merkel, podobnie jak pisa 2; ostatni król Polski Stanis 2;aw Poniatowski w akcie abdykacyjnym, powierzając I Rzeczpospolitą carycy Katarzynie, też Niemce.
Obawiamy się, że ponownie po czasach komunizmu nastąpi zagubienie ducha Polski, narodu, patriotyzmu, tradycji polskiej, historii, kultury, języka.
Można postawić pytanie: czy będzie importowana bez granic ideologia liberalna i ateistyczna, a w związku z tym będzie się luzować prawo karne, dyscyplinę w szkolnictwie, będzie szerzona demoralizacja m 2;odzieży? Czy "zero tolerancji" Giertycha będzie w mig zniesione na rzecz sta 2;ej zachęty do rozpusty, narkotyków "lekkich", pija 4;stwa, bezkarnego 2;amania wszelkich praw?
Czy nowy rząd przyjmie europejską Kartę Praw Podstawowych, gdzie wprawdzie prawa: godności, wolności, równości, solidarności, praw obywatelskich i sprawiedliwości, brzmią wzniośle, ale kontekst interpretacyjny zwraca je prawie wszystkie przeciwko religii oraz etyce chrześcija 4;skiej i klasycznej? Czy będziemy poddani pod ca 2;ą jurysdykcję Trybuna 2;u w Strasburgu, który będzie ponad naszą Konstytucją, uczyni martwymi nasze sądy i będzie ferowa 2; wyroki sprzeczne z Ewangelią i z polską racją stanu? Mamy już tego początki w procesie pani Alicji Tysiąc.
Czy podniosą znowu g 2;owy obce wywiady, uk 2;ady, dawni esbecy, ludzie uwik 2;ani w korupcję, sprzedawcy Polski, frustraci, drapieżnicy spo 2;eczni i zdrajcy? Już teraz ludzie z PO zapowiadają, że nie będą ścigali przestępstw, np. korupcji, a będą zapobiegali przyczynom tych przestępstw, mianowicie przez odpowiednie ustawy.
Cóż to za g 2;upota i utopia. Oni myślą, że wyeliminują grzech przez uchwa 2;ę przeciwko niemu!
Boimy się, że zostaną otwarte na oścież wrota dla aborcji, eutanazji, ma 2;że 4;stw homoseksualnych, niwelowania instytucji ma 2;że 4;stwa i rodziny i odrzucania wszystkich wyższych wartości.
Istnieje obawa, że nastąpi pogorszenie sytuacji Kościo 2;a, choć Tusk próbuje pozyskać kard. Stanis 2;awa Dziwisza, abp. Kazimierza Nycza, abp. Tadeusza Goc 2;owskiego i wielu innych. Tymczasem papierkiem lakmusowym jest stosunek PO do ogólnopolskiego i prawowiernego medium toru 4;skiego, które wyraża ducha substancji polskiej i katolickiej. Czy PO będzie się stara 2;a prześcignąć PiS w filosemityzmie bez względu na interes Polski?
Obawiamy się, że będzie niszczony rozmyślnie dorobek PiS z nienawiści i że agresja opozycjonistów będzie trwa 2;a w czasie rządów. Już są tego pierwsze oznaki w wypowiedziach ludzi PO i w ich zachowaniach, jak np. w czasie wystąpienia pos 2;a PiS Marka Kuchci 4;skiego, przedstawiającego kandydata na marsza 2;ka Sejmu. Robi 2; on wprawdzie pewne aluzje, ale zachowanie się pos 2;ów PO by 2;o bardzo niekulturalne.

Jaka atmosfera?
Po wyborach PO i większość mediów zachowują się tak, jakby po jakimś więzieniu znaleźli się na pikniku. Wieje utopią: hulaj dusza! Niektórzy powiadają, że jednak media zaczną przywo 2;ywać nową koalicję do porządku, gdy tylko przeminie euforia. Ale nie jest to takie pewne. PO i polskojęzyczne media zachodnie mają wspólne poglądy i ciągoty, zresztą razem atakowali niekosmopolityczny rząd PiS. Media wspiera 2;y PO nawet w ciszy wyborczej. Poza tym obecnie wszystkie wychwalają PO, atakują pokonanych i rysują przysz 2;ość w kolorach "Ody do radości" i w duchu utopii liberalnej, wrogiej Polsce i chrześcija 4;stwu. W czasie wieczoru wyborczego zaraz po godz. 20.00 można by 2;o wyczuć, że wygra 2;a PO. Nie czekając na godz. 23.00, w migawkach podawano klub PO na pierwszym miejscu, uradowaną twarz Tuska i uśmiechnięte miny dziennikarzy telewizyjnych.
Jeśli media zaczną krytykować nowy Sejm, to chyba zaczną od tego, że aż 400 pos 2;ów przy ślubowaniu doda 2;o: "Tak mi dopomóż Bóg". Na razie, jeśli się coś krytykuje, to tylko technikę propagandową wyborów, nie mówi się absolutnie o programach partii dla spo 2;ecze 4;stwa i Polski. Dla mediów scenę polityczną, wype 2;niają przeważnie fata 2;aszki i elementy estetyczne, tak po ameryka 4;sku.
Ale krzyżują się różne wiatry polityczne. Weźmy pod uwagę choćby nastroje LiD po wyborach. Marek Borowski, Wojciech Olejniczak, Aleksander Kwaśniewski i wielu innych wyraźnie zapowiadali, że gdy wygrają, to wezmą się za Kośció 2;, czyli za katolików. A ci katolicy poparli ich prawie w 14 proc., czyli w liczbie ponad dwóch milionów. I powsta 2; niezrozumia 2;y paradoks: atakowani katolicy poparli swoich wrogów, ci zaś posmutnieli, że tych popierających by 2;o tak ma 2;o. Psychologia spo 2;eczna wyborów bywa czasami idiotyczna. Ciekawe, że w ca 2;ej niemal Europie katolicy wybierają do rządów swoich wrogów, gdyż są to rządy przeważnie masonów, ateistów, libera 2;ów, prześladowców chrześcija 4;stwa. Co katolików tak opęta 2;o? Może jakaś demoniczna hipnoza? Weźmy na przyk 2;ad obecną Hiszpanię. Tam rządzi taka jakaś - jak mówi 2; ks. Prymas kard. Józef Glemp - hybryda, czyli socjaliści kapitalistyczni, oligarchiczni, taka socjo-magnateria. I oto dziś chcą znowu ekshumować rewolucję antykatolicką z lat 30. ubieg 2;ego wieku. Rządzący wściekają się, że Watykan beatyfikowa 2; 498 osób, zamordowanych przez ateistycznych rewolucjonistów. Toteż jakby w odwecie chcą g 2;osić chwa 2;ę i stawiać pomniki mordercom owych świętych. Przy tym, możliwe, że wystawią też pomnik i naszemu gen. Karolowi Świerczewskiemu, który dowodzi 2; w czasie rewolucji pięcioma tysiącami wschodnich morderców, no i sam strzela 2; do katolików.
Ponadto rząd hiszpa 4;ski potępia genera 2;a Franco i innych obro 4;ców Kościo 2;a. W tym świetle lepiej rozumiemy wyczyny Hiszpanów wśród Indian ameryka 4;skich, choć trzeba pamiętać, że protestanccy Anglosasi wyniszczyli prawie wszystkich Indian w Ameryce Pó 2;nocnej. W historii są jakieś ciemne epoki, których nie da się zrozumieć. Obawiamy się, żeby coś z tych ciemności nie przysz 2;o i do nas w jakimś znaczniejszym stopniu. Jest to tym groźniejsze, że wielkie kraje Europy Zachodniej sympatyzują z obecnym rządem hiszpa 4;skim, który walczy z Kościo 2;em. Rządy tych krajów, choć g 2;oszą demokrację i godność każdego cz 2;owieka, to przecież godność tę przypisują tylko ateistom, libera 2;om i niszczycielom tradycji chrześcija 4;skiej. Jest to ob 2;uda demoniczna. Obecnie formując imperium europejskie, nie liczą się już wcale ze swoimi spo 2;ecze 4;stwami. Jedyna Irlandia chce poddać traktat reformujący pod referendum. W innych krajach - jak się zdaje - o powstaniu imperium ponadpa 4;stwowego będą decydowa 2;y tylko opisane wyżej rządy. Zwykli obywatele to dla nich pariasi.

Co z Polską?
Mój przyjaciel, mgr inż. Jerzy Tatol powtarza ciągle, że wszelkie reformy i zmiany rządów nic nie dają, bo "trzeba najpierw Polskę odzyskać". Rzeczywiście, nie może ona ciągle wyrwać się do ko 4;ca z jakichś widzialnych i niewidzialnych okowów. Próbowa 2;o to zrobić PiS, ale do ko 4;ca nie da 2;o rady. Teraz stajemy przed pytaniem, czy nowej w 2;adzy będzie dostawa 2;o mądrości, wiedzy, kompetencji i sumienia, aby tego dokonać. I tu mamy wielkie obawy. Dotychczas PO zachowuje się tak jak ubogi ch 2;op, który otrzyma 2; w spadku wielki majątek dla siebie samego. PO przystępuje do rządów, na razie, z nierozumną radością i zarazem z duchem walki ze wszystkimi, którzy nie są libera 2;ami, którzy są patriotami, zachowują polską tradycję i historię i nie chcą być wch 2;onięci przez narody Europy Zachodniej. Owszem, bywa tak, że cz 2;owiek żądny w 2;adzy i znaczenia po zdobyciu tej w 2;adzy humanizuje się i uspokaja, czuje się już spe 2;niony i robi się nawet 2;askawszy dla przeciwników politycznych. Ale mimo wszystko przychodzi na myśl porzekad 2;o z czasów pa 4;szczyźnianych: "Po z 2;ym panie jeszcze gorszy nastanie".
W każdym razie tym, którzy byli i są mocno atakowani za polskość i za mi 2;ość do ca 2;ego spo 2;ecze 4;stwa, niewy 2;ączającą nikogo, zw 2;aszcza tych najbiedniejszych i pokrzywdzonych, przytoczę dla żartu powiedzenie profesorki KUL, Janiny Pliszczy 4;skiej, która swego czasu pisa 2;a do mnie na Uniwersytet Katolicki w Lowanium: "Bóg nie poskąpi 2; mi wrogów, ale tym wrogom poskąpi 2; rozumu". Trzeba się więc nam modlić o rozum dla polityków, a przede wszystkim o nawrócenie się Platformy Obywatelskiej na Polskę.

Ks. prof. Czes 2;aw S. Bartnik

The Warsaw Uprising 1944 / Powstanie Warszawskie

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 27 Nov 2009 21:16:05 EST

The Warsaw Uprising 1944 / Powstanie Warszawskie

The Warsaw Uprising (Powstanie Warszawskie) was a World War II struggle by the Polish Home Army (Armia Krajowa) to liberate Warsaw from German occupation. The Uprising began on August 1, 1944, as part of a nationwide rebellion, Operation Tempest. It was intended to last for only a few days until the Soviet Army would reach the city. The Soviet advance stopped short, however, while Polish resistance against the German forces continued for 63 days (until October 2).

The Uprising began at a crucial juncture as the Soviet Army was approaching Warsaw. The Uprising's chief objective was to drive the German occupiers from the city, helping with the larger fight against the Axis. Secondary political objectives were to liberate Warsaw before the Red Army arrived, so as to underscore Polish sovereignty, and to undo the Allied division of Central Europe into spheres of influence. Polish authorities were to reappear in liberated Warsaw and challenge the Soviet puppet government that was to rule Poland.

By September 16, 1944, Soviet forces had reached a point a few hundred metres from the city, across the Vistula River, but they made no further headway during the Uprising leading to allegations that Stalin had wanted the insurrection to fail.

Polish losses amounted to 18,000 soldiers killed and 25,000 wounded, in addition to between 120,000 and 200,000 civilian deaths, mostly from mass murders conducted by retreating German troops. German casualties totalled over 17,000 soldiers killed and over 9,000 wounded. During the urban combat approximately 25% of Warsaw's buildings were destroyed. Following the surrender of Polish forces on October 2, German troops systematically burned the city block by block. Together with earlier damage suffered in 1939 and during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (1943), over 85% of the city had been destroyed. By January 1945, when the Soviets finally entered the city, Warsaw had practically ceased to exist.

Songs Translation (thank You
tajakjejtam):

Where are flower from those years?
Bright flowers.
Where are flower from those years?
The time has covered up the trail.
Where are flower from those years?
Each of girls have took the flower.
Who knows if it was like that?x2
Where are girls from those years?
Just like those flowers.
Where are girls from those years?
The time has covered up the trail.
Where are girls from those years?
They have been gone, following the boys around the world.
Who knows if it was like that? x2
Where are boys from those years?
Courage brave hearts.
Where are boys from those years?
The time has covered up the trail.
Where are boys from those years?
They have been gone to walk on the soldiers route.
Who knows if it was like that? x2
Where are our soldiers-flowers?
Those from previous years?
Where are our soldiers-flowers?
The time has covered up the trail.
Where are soldiers from those-years?
There where the sign of (Christan) cross stands on filed.
Who knows if it was like that? x2
Where are graves from old times?
There where flowers are.
Where are graves from old times?
The time ha covered up the trail.
Where are graves from old times?
There, where the flowers have been seed by the wind.
Who knows if it was like that? x2
---------------------------------------- --------------------------------------
No disaster will broke free people
No difficulty will fear the brave people
We will walk together for the victory
When the people will stand together, arm by arm

Warsaw's childrens, we will go fight
For each stone of you, Capital, we will give blood
Warsaw's childrens, we will go fight
When your command will be given
We will bear the anger to our enemys x2

Powiśle, Wola and Mokotów (*names of Warsaw districkts)
Each little street, each house.
When the first shot will be given, be ready!
Like a gold thunder in the God hand.

Warsaw's childrens, we will go fight
(Warsaws childrens)
For each stone of you, Capital, we will give blood
Warsaw's childrens, we will go fight
(Warsaw's chilredns)
When your command will be given
We will bear the anger to our enemys x2

Warsaw's childrens, we will go fight
For each stone of you, Capital, we will give blood
Warsaw's childrens, we will go fight
When your command will be given
We will bear the anger to our enemys x2

Music:
"Gdzie Są Kwiaty"
"Warszawskie Dzieci"

Clips from CBC mini documentary about Poland's contribution to the war effort. Polish pilots of the RAF. Betrayal of Poland by Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin.

Palestinians staying in Poland at the invitation of the President of the Republic of Poland.

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 27 Nov 2009 21:02:05 EST

Palestinians staying in Poland at the invitation of the President of the Republic of Poland.

The President Of Poland

Rafal Blechacz (5/7) - Winners' Concert (19/21)

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 27 Nov 2009 20:53:49 EST

Rafal Blechacz (5/7) - Winners' Concert (19/21)

Unanimous winner of the 2005 Fryderyk Chopin Piano Competition and the first Polish pianist to win since Krystian Zimerman in 1975, Rafal Blechacz is rapidly becoming one of the world's most renowned young pianists. "Blechacz is a superlative pianist but an even finer musician, and this is playing of exceptional clarity and expressive beauty" (BBC Music Magazine). He is making his Washington recital debut with a program yet to be announced.

The Kennedy Center Washington DC

Feb 27, 2010 at 2:00 PM

Israel Soldier two days before she was murdered by the Israeli Defense Forces

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 27 Nov 2009 20:28:05 EST

Israel Soldier vs Palestine Girl

Footage from Rachel's interview conducted by Middle East Broadcasting Company on March 14th, 2003, two days before she was murdered by the Israeli Defense Forces.

Tenth emergency special session
Agenda item 5
Illegal Israeli actions in Occupied East Jerusalem
and the rest of the Occupied Palestinian Territory

Report of the Secretary-General prepared pursuant
to General Assembly resolution ES-10/10

Summary

This report was prepared on the basis of General Assembly resolution ES-10/10, adopted on 7 May 2002, in which the Assembly requested the Secretary-General to present a report, drawing upon the available resources and information, on the recent events that took place in Jenin and other Palestinian cities. The General Assembly requested the report following the disbandment of the United Nations fact-finding team that had been convened by the Secretary-General in response to Security Council resolution 1405 (2002) (2002) of 19 April 2002.

The report was written without a visit to Jenin or the other Palestinian cities in question and it therefore relies completely on available resources and information, including submissions from five United Nations Member States and Observer Missions, documents in the public domain and papers submitted by non-governmental organizations. The Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs wrote to the Permanent Representative of Israel and the Permanent Observer of Palestine to the United Nations requesting them to submit information but only the latter did so. In the absence of a response from Israel, the United Nations has relied on public statements of Israeli officials and publicly available documents of the Government of Israel relevant to the request in resolution ES-10/10.

This report covers the period from approximately the beginning of March to 7 May 2002. The report sets out the context and background of the situation in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including the security, humanitarian and human rights responsibilities of both parties. It briefly charts the rising violence since September 2000, which had by 7 May 2002 caused the deaths of 441 Israelis and 1,539 Palestinians.

The report describes the pattern of attacks carried out by Palestinian armed groups against Israel operating from the West Bank and Israel's military action during Operation Defensive Shield, which began on 29 March with an incursion into Ramallah, followed by entry into Tulkarm and Qalqilya on 1 April, Bethlehem on 2 April, and Jenin and Nablus on 3 April. By 3 April, six of the largest cities in the West Bank, and their surrounding towns, villages and refugee camps, had been occupied by the Israeli military. Operation Defensive Shield was characterized by extensive curfews on civilian populations and restrictions, indeed occasional prohibitions, on the movement of international personnel, including at times humanitarian and medical personnel as well as human rights monitors and journalists. In many instances, humanitarian workers were not able to reach people in need. Combatants on both sides conducted themselves in ways that, at times, placed civilians in harm's way. Much of the fighting during Operation Defensive Shield occurred in areas heavily populated by civilians and in many cases heavy weaponry was used. As a result of those practices, the populations of the cities covered in this report suffered severe hardships. The Israeli Defence Forces announced the official end of the operation on 21 April but its consequences lasted until the end of the period under review and beyond.

I. Introduction

1. The present report is submitted pursuant to resolution ES-10/10 adopted on 7 May 2002 by the General Assembly at its tenth emergency special session. In paragraph 6 of the resolution the Assembly requested the Secretary-General to present a report, drawing upon the available resources and information, on the recent events that took place in Jenin and other Palestinian cities.

II. Security Council resolution 1405 (2002)

2. On 19 April 2002, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 1405 (2002), in which it welcomed my initiative to develop accurate information regarding recent events in the Jenin refugee camp through a fact-finding team. This resolution was tabled in the Council by the delegation of the United States of America following telephone conversations that I had with Israel's Foreign Affairs and Defence Ministers at their initiative, during which I was assured that Israel would cooperate fully with the team that I would designate.

3. Pursuant to resolution 1405 (2002), on 22 April 2002, I established a fact-finding team composed of Martti Ahtisaari, Sadako Ogata and Cornelio Sommaruga. Headed by Mr. Ahtisaari, the team's members also included four senior advisers: Major General (ret.) William Nash, as Military Adviser; Deputy Commissioner Peter Fitzgerald, as Police Adviser; Ambassador Tyge Lehmann, as Legal Adviser; and Helena Ranta, as Medical/Legal Adviser. In addition, the team was provided with technical expertise in military, security and counter-terrorism issues, as well as forensic science and general support staff. The team gathered at Geneva and began to prepare a work plan based on three elements: (a) events in Jenin in the period immediately prior to Israel's military operation; (b) the battle in Jenin during Operation Defensive Shield; and (c) efforts by humanitarian workers to gain access to the civilian population in Jenin after the end of hostilities.

4. After the appointment of the members of the team, the Government of Israel raised a number of concerns regarding the work of the team that made its timely deployment impossible and led me to disband the team. On 1 May 2002 I sent a letter to the President of the Security Council (S/2002/504) describing my efforts to implement resolution 1405 (2002), which read, in part:

(a) I instructed that the team should gather in Geneva on 24 April and proceed to the area on 25 April. However, soon after I announced my plan to deploy the team, the Government of Israel began to express concerns related to the composition of the team, the scope of its mandate, how this mandate would be carried out and various procedural matters. At the request of the Government of Israel, I agreed that the Secretariat would meet with a delegation from Israel and listen to Israel's concerns and engage in a clarificatory process. I set back the arrival of the team in the area to 27 April.

(b) The discussions with the Israeli delegation were held in a very constructive atmosphere on 25 and 26 April. By the time the Israeli delegation was able to report back on the results of those meetings, the Sabbath had begun in Israel. The Foreign Minister of Israel informed me that the Israeli Cabinet would address the issue at its scheduled meeting on 28 April and requested that the team delay its arrival for another day. I acceded to this request and the Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs briefed the Security Council accordingly.

(c) On 27 April, I spoke on the telephone with the Prime Minister of Israel, after which I dispatched letters to the Permanent Representative of Israel and the Permanent Observer of Palestine setting out the parameters of work of the team. These letters were circulated to Security Council members on the same day. The Permanent Representative of Israel sent me a reply late on 27 April, in which he put forward several concerns on the part of his Government. The Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs responded orally to the Permanent Representative of Israel.

(d) On 28 April, the Israeli Cabinet did not reach a decision on the fact-finding team; I was informed by Israel that the matter would be reviewed by the Cabinet at a meeting the following day. The Secretariat briefed the Security Council on the information I had received on 28 April, and the Council agreed that the President of the Council would express its continuing support for my efforts to implement resolution 1405 (2002).

(e) The Israeli Cabinet did not meet on 29 April. Instead, I was informed by the Permanent Representative of Israel that the Cabinet had scheduled a meeting for early on 30 April. The Secretariat briefed the Security Council accordingly.

(f) Israel's Ministerial Committee on National Security (the Security Cabinet) met early on 30 April, after which it issued the following statement: "Israel has raised essential issues before the United Nations for a fair examination. As long as these terms have not been met, it will not be possible for the clarification process to begin." In the absence of a formal indication of the terms on which the Government of Israel would cooperate with the fact-finding team, this statement was reviewed against the backdrop of various public statements by, and telephone conversations that I held with, senior Israeli officials. I was drawn reluctantly to the conclusion that, while continuing to express its concerns to the United Nations mainly in the form of procedural issues, Israel had developed concerns about Security Council resolution 1405 (2002) that were fundamental in nature.

(g) Throughout this process, the United Nations has made every effort to accommodate the concerns of the Government of Israel within the mandate given to me by the Security Council. It was made quite clear that the team was tasked specifically to develop information about the recent events in Jenin and that the facts established would be used solely for its report to me. In my view, the team would have conducted its assignment in the field in a professional and fair manner and produced an accurate, thorough, balanced and credible report.

(h) Clearly the full cooperation of both sides was a precondition for this, as was a visit to the area itself to see the Jenin refugee camp at first hand and to gather information. This is why the Secretariat engaged in a thorough clarification process with the Israeli delegation.

(i) In the light of yesterday's announcement by the Government of Israel, it seems evident that the team will not be able to proceed to the area and begin its mission in the near future. While I have not received any further written communication from the Israeli Government since 27 April, in my telephone conversations over the past two days, high-level Israeli officials have broached issues additional to those raised by the delegation that came to New York last week and there have been indications that this list may not be exhaustive.

(j) As the Secretariat noted in its briefings to the Council, time is also a critical factor. With the situation in the Jenin refugee camp changing by the day, it will become more and more difficult to establish with any confidence or accuracy the "recent events" that took place there.

(k) For these reasons, it is my intention to disband the fact-finding team tomorrow. I regret being unable to provide the information requested by the Council in resolution 1405 (2002), and especially that the long shadow cast by recent events in the Jenin refugee camp will remain in the absence of such a fact-finding exercise.

5. On 3 May 2002 I disbanded the team. In writing to the President of the Security Council to inform him of this, I expressed my deep appreciation to President Ahtisaari, Mrs. Ogata, Mr. Sommaruga and all the members of the team for their efforts to support my actions intended to implement resolution 1405 (2002). I stated that I had every confidence that the team would have conducted itself in a professional and fair manner in producing the report requested by the Council.

III. Report prepared pursuant to paragraph 6 of resolution ES-10/10

A. Introduction

6. In order to comply with the General Assembly's request in resolution ES-10/10, on 14 May 2002, the Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs addressed letters to the Permanent Representative of Israel and the Permanent Observer of Palestine to the United Nations, requesting them to submit information relevant to the implementation of that resolution. In addition, on 14 May 2002, the Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs addressed a note verbale to all other Member States and Observer Missions requesting the submission of relevant information. On 3 June 2002, the Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs addressed another note verbale to Member States and Observer Missions extending the deadline for submissions to 14 June 2002.

7. On 3 June 2002, in response to the letter of the Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, the Permanent Observer of Palestine submitted materials regarding recent events in Jenin and other Palestinian cities (see annex I). In addition, five Member States and Observer Missions have submitted information, responding to the note verbale of 14 May (see annexes II-IV). As at the date of submission of this report, the Government of Israel has not responded to the information request. In the absence of a response from Israel, the United Nations has relied on public statements of Israeli officials and other publicly available documents of the Government of Israel relevant to the request in resolution ES-10/10.

8. This report covers the period from approximately the beginning of March to 7 May 2002. In keeping with the request of the General Assembly, the substantive portion of the report is based on sources of information available to the United Nations, including those in the public domain and submitted by non-governmental organizations. The report begins by setting out the context and background, before describing recent events.

B. Security, humanitarian and human rights responsibilities

9. Subsequent to the signing on 13 September 1993 of the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements, the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed a further agreement that, inter alia, specified the security-related responsibilities of the two sides. The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip signed on 28 September 1995 by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization details the mechanisms for the extension of Palestinian self-rule to portions of the West Bank. The main feature of the Agreement was the provision for the division of the West Bank into three areas, each with varying degrees of Israeli and Palestinian responsibility. Area A consisted of the seven major Palestinian towns - Jenin, Qalqilya, Tulkarm, Nablus, Ramallah, Bethlehem, Jericho and Hebron - in which Palestinians would have complete responsibility for civilian security. In area B, which comprised all other Palestinian population centres (except for some refugee camps), Israel would retain "overriding security responsibility". In area C, which includes all settlements, military bases and areas, and State lands, Israel would retain sole security responsibility. Area A comprises approximately 10 per cent of the territory of the West Bank.

10. The Interim Agreement also provides that "Israel shall have the overall responsibility for security for the purpose of protecting Israelis and confronting the threat of terrorism". It states that "both sides shall take all measures necessary in order to prevent acts of terrorism, crime and hostilities directed against each other, against individuals falling under the other's authority and against their property, and shall take legal measures against offenders".

11. Israel's obligations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory are set out in the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, to which Israel is a High Contracting Party. Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territory are "protected persons" under the Convention, which provides that they may not be wilfully killed, tortured, taken as hostages or suffer humiliating or degrading treatment. Israel has obligations not to engage in acts of collective punishment or reprisals and is to refrain from appropriating or extensively destroying the property of protected persons unless such destruction is "rendered absolutely necessary by military operations".

12. The Government of the State of Israel has not, as at the submission of this report, accepted the de jure applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 to all Territory occupied since 1967. Israel has stated that it has undertaken to comply with the humanitarian provisions of the Convention in its administration of the Occupied Palestinian Territory. All other High Contracting Parties, as well as the International Committee of the Red Cross, maintain that the Convention does apply de jure to the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

13. The Palestinian Authority is obligated under international customary law to respect human rights, including to refrain from carrying out attacks against civilians, and is required to prevent groups within its territory from engaging in such attacks. Thus, the Palestinian Authority has the responsibility to protect Israeli civilians from attacks, including suicide bombings, emanating from areas under its security control. Those Palestinian groups that have carried out attacks against civilians have also violated the basic international legal principle of the inviolability of civilian life and property. Acts of terror that take life violate the right to life set forth in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In addition, those groups, and other armed personnel, are prohibited under international humanitarian law from establishing military bases in densely populated civilian areas.

C. Rising violence

14. Since the outbreak of crisis in September 2000, the origins of which have been comprehensively set out in the report of the Sharm el-Sheikh Fact-Finding Committee headed by former Senator George Mitchell, there has been sustained violence between the parties, fluctuating in intensity, causing by 7 May 2002 the deaths of 441 Israelis and 1,539 Palestinians. By the beginning of 2002, the parties were already locked in an accelerating cycle of violent attacks. This cycle of violence further increased in intensity through the early months of this year. The violence reached a high point in the months of March and April, which saw suicide bomb attacks against Israelis by Palestinian groups increase in frequency, and two waves of incursions by the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) into Palestinian towns and villages in the West Bank, including areas under the administrative and security responsibility of the Palestinian Authority.

15. On 12 March 2002, after a series of terrorist attacks carried out by Palestinians earlier in that month, and as the first wave of IDF incursions into the West Bank was coming to a close, I told the Security Council in a briefing that I believed that Israeli-Palestinian tensions were at boiling point and that the situation was the worst in 10 years. I called on Palestinians to stop all acts of terrorism and all suicide bombings, stating that such attacks were morally repugnant and caused harm to their cause. I called on Israelis to stop the bombing of civilian areas, the extrajudicial killings, the demolitions, and the daily humiliation of ordinary Palestinians. I asserted that such actions gravely eroded Israel's international standing and fuelled the fires of hatred, despair and extremism among Palestinians. Finally, I urged the political leaders of both peoples - Prime Minister Sharon and Chairman Arafat - to lead their peoples away from disaster.

16. Palestinian terrorist attacks against Israelis continued, followed by Israeli military incursions into Palestinian areas. On 4 April, one week into the second wave of incursions in the West Bank - the Israeli Defence Forces' Operation Defensive Shield - I again briefed the Security Council and called on all members of the international community to consider urgently how best to intercede with the parties to persuade them to draw back from their present course. I told the Council that self-defence was not a blank cheque, and that responding to terrorism did not in any way free Israel from its obligations under international law, nor did it justify creating a human rights and humanitarian crisis in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Equally, the Palestinian Authority seemed to believe that failing to act against terrorism, and inducing turmoil, chaos and instability, would cause the Government and people of Israel to buckle - which I believed they would not. I called on the Government of Israel to comply with Security Council resolution 1402 (2002) and withdraw its forces from the Palestinian territory it had occupied during Operation Defensive Shield. I urged Chairman Arafat to exercise political leadership and set the course for the future of his people.

17. On more than one occasion during this very difficult period, I expressed to the Security Council my view that, despite the fact that bitterness and despair were at an all-time high on both sides, we all needed to cling to the conviction that, in the end, however long it would take, there would one day have to be a peaceful settlement of this conflict. While the road back to the negotiating table would not be easy or smooth, both sides, with the help of the international community, must restart a process based on Security Council resolutions 1397 (2002) and 1402 (2002) which, taken together, provide the vision for a permanent settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the immediate security and political steps needed to move beyond the present crisis.

18. From the beginning of March until 7 May, Israel endured approximately 16 bombings, the large majority of which were suicide attacks. More than 100 persons were killed and scores more wounded. Throughout this period, the Government of Israel, and the international community, reiterated previous calls on the Palestinian Authority to take steps to stop terrorist attacks and to arrest the perpetrators of such attacks.

19. During this same period, IDF conducted two waves of military incursions primarily in the West Bank, and air strikes against both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The first wave began on 27 February 2002 and ended on approximately 14 March. Those incursions, which Israel stated were in pursuit of Palestinians who had carried out attacks against Israelis, involved the use of ground troops, attack helicopters, tanks and F-16 fighter jets in civilian areas, including refugee camps, causing significant loss of life among civilians.

20. Over the course of two days, 8 and 9 March, 18 Israelis were killed in two separate Palestinian attacks and 48 Palestinians were killed in the Israeli raids that followed.

21. Israeli military retaliation for terrorist attacks was often carried out against Palestinian Authority security forces and installations. This had the effect of severely weakening the Authority's capacity to take effective action against militant groups that launched attacks on Israelis. Militant groups stepped into this growing vacuum and increased their attacks on Israeli civilians. In many cases, the perpetrators of these attacks left messages to the effect that their acts were explicitly in revenge for earlier Israeli acts of retaliation, thus perpetuating and intensifying the cycle of violence, retaliation and revenge.

22. It was against this backdrop that the most extensive Israeli military incursions in a decade, Operation Defensive Shield, were carried out. The proximate cause of the operation was a terrorist attack committed on 27 March in the Israeli city of Netanya, in which 28 people were killed and 140 injured. I condemned the terrorist attack from the Beirut Summit of the League of Arab States as morally repugnant and later described it to the Security Council as a blow against the very possibility of coexistence. On 29 March 2002, the Cabinet of the Government of Israel issued a communiqué approving "a wide-ranging operational action plan against Palestinian terror" and, to that end, "the mobilization of reserves as per operational need". The objective was to "defeat the Palestinian terror infrastructure and to prevent the recurrence of the multiple terrorist attacks which have plagued Israel".

D. Operation Defensive Shield

23. Operation Defensive Shield began on 29 March with an incursion into Ramallah, during which IDF seized most of the buildings in the headquarters compound of Chairman Arafat. Operations followed in Tulkarm and Qalqilya on 1 April, Bethlehem on 2 April, and in Jenin and Nablus on 3 April. By 3 April, six of the largest cities in the West Bank, and their surrounding towns, villages and refugee camps, were occupied by the Israeli military. The Israeli Defence Forces announced the official end of the operation on 21 April as they completed their withdrawal from Nablus and parts of Ramallah, while continuing negotiations to lift the siege at the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem. The IDF withdrawals from Palestinian cities were, in general, not to pre-29 March positions, but rather to positions encircling the cities. Since then, the Israeli Defence Forces have made additional incursions into many of the Palestinian towns and cities from which they had withdrawn at the conclusion of Operation Defensive Shield, and as this report was being prepared had re-entered many Palestinian towns.

24. A few generally applicable observations can be made about the incursions during Operation Defensive Shield. In each incursion, Israeli troops, tanks and armoured personnel carriers entered the cities and IDF imposed curfews on their civilian populations. In each case, the incursions were accompanied by the entry of IDF into nearby villages and refugee camps. The Israeli Defence Forces declared the cities they had entered "special closed military areas", imposing restrictions on, and at times completely barring, the movement of international personnel, including at times humanitarian and medical personnel as well as human rights monitors and journalists. As a result of these restrictions on movement, including the round-the-clock curfews that lasted with periodic liftings throughout the incursions, the civilian populations of the cities suffered severe hardships, compounded in some places by the extensive fighting that occurred during the operation. As was the case with the first wave of incursions from 27 February to 14 March described above, during Operation Defensive Shield, in many instances, IDF made use of heavy weaponry in Palestinian civilian areas.

25. In each of these incursions, the Israeli Defence Forces arrested Palestinians who they believed were involved in armed actions against Israel, including suicide bombings and other terrorist attacks against Israeli civilians. IDF also, in most of these incursions, destroyed infrastructure they believed to be part of the operating capacity of militant groups, as well as the infrastructure of the Palestinian Authority security services. In addition, widespread damage was caused to the civilian capacity of the Palestinian Authority and to private property.

26. It was not only the Palestinian people whose movement was restricted during Operation Defensive Shield. In many instances, humanitarian workers were not able to reach people in need to assess conditions and deliver necessary assistance because of the sealing of cities, refugee camps and villages during the operation. There were also cases of Israeli forces not respecting the neutrality of medical and humanitarian workers and attacking ambulances.

27. The Government of Israel has asserted that ambulances were used to transport Palestinian combatants and weapons; and that the Israeli Defence Forces have in many instances acted to prevent that misuse. It has also stated that IDF policy is to allow free passage in cases of humanitarian need, and that Israeli forces continuously provided food and medical assistance to the Palestinian population.

28. As a result of the severe restrictions on movement, human rights workers and journalists were unable to observe the conduct of the parties and provide independent reporting on that conduct. Some journalists reported being fired at by members of IDF.

29. There were numerous reports of IDF compelling Palestinian civilians to accompany them during house searches, check suspicious subjects, stand in the line of fire from militants and in other ways protect soldiers from danger. Witnesses claim that this was done in the Jenin camp and other Palestinian cities. While IDF soldiers have acknowledged in press reports that they forced Palestinians to knock on doors for house searches, they deny the deliberate use of civilians as human shields. The Government of Israel has denied that its military personnel systematically engage in this practice. In response to a petition filed on 5 May by five Israeli, Palestinian and international human rights organizations, the State Attorney's Office of the Government of Israel informed the High Court of Justice of Israel that "in light of the various complaints received … and so as to avoid all doubt, the [IDF] has decided to immediately issue an unequivocal order … that forces in the field are absolutely forbidden to use civilians as a means of 'living shield'".

30. According to local human rights groups, more than 8,500 Palestinians were arrested between 27 February and 20 May. Reportedly, most of the 2,500 Palestinians arrested during the first wave of incursions in February and March were released within a week, whereas many of the more than 6,000 Palestinians arrested during Operation Defensive Shield after 29 March were held for longer periods without any outside contact. On 5 April, the Commander of the Israeli Defence Forces in the West Bank issued Military Order 1500, which gave soldiers the authority to hold detainees for a period of up to 18 days without access to a lawyer, family members or judicial review. This type of detention can be extended by a military judge for up to 90 days. The order was retroactive to 29 March and was valid for 60 days. By 6 May an alleged 7,000 Palestinians had been arrested under Operation Defensive Shield, of whom 1,500 were still in detention. In many instances during the operation, IDF followed a pattern of using loudspeakers to summon males between 15 and 45. According to human rights reports, significant numbers of the men arrested were blindfolded and handcuffed, not allowed to use a lavatory, and deprived of food or blankets during their first day in detention.

31. In addition to Military Order 1500, the Government of Israel has access to a procedure of administrative detention under which detainees can be held without charge or trial, and which can be renewed indefinitely. The Israeli Defence Forces and the State Attorney have told Amnesty International that from 450 to 990 people were in administrative detention as of May 2002.

32. Of particular concern is the use, by combatants on both sides, of violence that placed civilians in harm's way. Much of the fighting during Operation Defensive Shield occurred in areas heavily populated by civilians, in large part because the armed Palestinian groups sought by IDF placed their combatants and installations among civilians. Palestinian groups are alleged to have widely booby-trapped civilian homes, acts targeted at IDF personnel but also putting civilians in danger. IDF is reported to have used bulldozers, tank shelling and rocket firing, at times from helicopters, in populated areas.

33. Operation Defensive Shield resulted in the widespread destruction of Palestinian private and public property. Nablus was especially hard hit, especially in its old city, which contained many buildings of cultural, religious and historic significance. Much of the destruction appears to have occurred in the fighting as a result of the use by IDF of tanks, helicopter gunships and bulldozers. United Nations agencies and other international agencies, when allowed into Ramallah and other Palestinian cities, documented extensive physical damage to Palestinian Authority civilian property. That damage included the destruction of office equipment, such as computers and photocopying machines, that did not appear to be related to military objectives. While denying that such destruction was systematic, the Israeli Defence Forces have admitted that their personnel engaged in some acts of vandalism, and are carrying out some related prosecutions.

34. The Government of Israel justified each of the incursions as being necessary to destroy the infrastructure of Palestinian militant groups that had carried out attacks on Israel with increasing frequency in February and March 2002. In each case, Israel has published information about its assessment of the infrastructure of militant groups. More details regarding such information are included in the sections of the report that describe events in specific Palestinian cities.

35. Closures of cities, villages and refugee camps and curfews exacted a substantial humanitarian price from the civilian populations in the affected areas. That burden was exacerbated in most cities occupied during Operation Defensive Shield by significant periods of time during which utilities (electricity, water and telephone) were cut or severely curtailed. After an initial period of round-the-clock curfews without any relief, the Israeli Defence Forces instituted a periodic lifting. The closures and curfews posed particular problems for those with chronic medical problems, who were unable to obtain care and medications. After the lifting of the closures, when they were able to assess the condition of the affected populations, humanitarian agencies reported shortages of food and other basic supplies among Palestinians affected by the incursions. In addition to these humanitarian consequences of the closures and curfews, the restrictions had a devastating economic impact, virtually shutting down the economy of the Palestinian Authority by impeding normal business activity and preventing Palestinians from going to work.
36. Terrorist attacks against Israeli civilians continued in the aftermath of Operation Defensive Shield, and most Palestinian cities endured further incursions after the end of the operation up to the end of the period under consideration in this report.

E. Overall effects of the incursions on the Palestinian population

37. According to a report prepared by United Nations agencies in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the humanitarian and development effects of the two waves of incursions were as follows:

(a) A total of 497 Palestinians were killed in the course of the IDF reoccupation of Palestinian area A from 1 March to 7 May 2002 and in the immediate aftermath;

(b) Palestinian health authorities and the Palestinian Red Crescent Society reported approximately 1,447 wounded with some 538 live-ammunition injuries (for the same period);

(c) Round-the-clock curfews were imposed in cities, refugee camps, towns and villages affecting an estimated 1 million persons; over 600,000 of them remained under a one-week curfew, while 220,000 urban residents lived under curfew regimes for a longer duration and without vital supplies and access to first aid;

(d) Severe internal and external closures continue to paralyse normal economic activity, and movement of persons and goods throughout the West Bank; in the Gaza Strip, the unprecedented 38-day-long internal closures divided the Strip into three intermittently isolated areas;

(e) Protracted curfews, compounded by severe restrictions on commercial circulation of supplies, rendered the food security situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory precarious: over 630,000 persons or roughly 20 per cent of the resident population were considered food security vulnerable;

(f) Food deficit was increasingly observed in various regions of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Gaza food market being particularly distorted. Restrictions on food imports resulted in a mild increase in the overall food price level in the West Bank and in a considerable rise (up to 25-30%) of prices for staple commodities in the Gaza Strip;

(g) Over 2,800 refugee housing units were damaged and 878 homes were demolished or destroyed during the reporting period, leaving more than 17,000 people homeless or in need of shelter rehabilitation;

(h) Non-refugee housing in Nablus, Ramallah, Bethlehem, Jenin town and Tulkarm and a number of surrounding villages sustained damage ranging from minor to structural;

(i) Students in eight West Bank districts were prevented from attending school. It is estimated that, during the reporting period, some 11,000 classes were missed and 55,000 teaching sessions were lost;

(j) Fifty Palestinian schools were damaged by Israeli military action, of which 11 were totally destroyed, 9 were vandalized, 15 used as military outposts and another 15 as mass arrest and detention centres.

38. Even before the recent military operation, economic and social conditions in the West Bank and Gaza were in a state of crisis. According to an assessment by the Office of the United Nations Special Coordinator, the 18 months of confrontations and restrictions on movement prior to March and April had witnessed a more than 20 per cent reduction in domestic production levels, unprecedented levels of unemployment, a 30 per cent decline in per capita income and a more than doubling of the poverty rate, to some 45 per cent of the Palestinian population.

39. While it is difficult to ascertain with precision the magnitude of the socio-economic effects of the incursions, available preliminary information indicates a sharp intensification of the hardships faced by the population. That information suggests that the principal economic result has been a near-complete cessation of all productive activity in the main West Bank centres of manufacturing, construction, commerce and private and public services. Activities in those centres account for at least 75 per cent of the value of goods and services produced in the West Bank. The production stoppage has imposed immediate income losses on employees and owners of businesses, as well as losses in tax revenues for the Palestinian Authority. In addition, suppliers and buyers in the urban areas directly affected have close economic links to rural areas; the isolation of the former has significant negative effects on the latter. This is also true of the relationship between businesses in East Jerusalem and the West Bank.

40. In addition to the inability of households to access medical, educational or other services during Operation Defensive Shield, people have been separated from their means of income. This has resulted in lost opportunities to earn income, further compressing household income and savings and exacerbating the severe decline in living levels of the last 18 months. As a result, the West Bank will witness even higher levels of poverty in the short- to medium-term.

41. According to the World Bank, reconstruction costs for physical and institutional damage to Palestinian Authority civilian infrastructure resulting from the incursions in the West Bank in March and April 2002 would total US$ 361 million.

42. While the United Nations does not have a mandate to monitor and report on conditions in Israel, as it does in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, it is apparent that the violence, specifically terrorist attacks, has caused enormous suffering for the Israeli people and the country's economy.

F. Recent events in Jenin

Introduction

43. In the early hours of 3 April 2002, as part of Operation Defensive Shield, the Israeli Defence Forces entered the city of Jenin and the refugee camp adjacent to it, declared them a closed military area, prevented all access, and imposed a round-the-clock curfew. By the time of the IDF withdrawal and the lifting of the curfew on 18 April, at least 52 Palestinians, of whom up to half may have been civilians, and 23 Israeli soldiers were dead. Many more were injured. Approximately 150 buildings had been destroyed and many others were rendered structurally unsound. Four hundred and fifty families were rendered homeless. The cost of the destruction of property is estimated at approximately $27 million.

Jenin refugee camp before 3 April 2002

44. On the eve of Israel's military incursion in April, the Jenin refugee camp, established in 1953, was home to roughly 14,000 Palestinians, of whom approximately 47 per cent were either under 15 or over 65 years of age. It was the second largest refugee camp in the West Bank in population and was densely populated, occupying a surface area of approximately 373 dunums (one square kilometre). The Jenin refugee camp came under full Palestinian civil and security control in 1995. It is in close proximity to Israeli settlements and is near the "green line".

45. According to both Palestinian and Israeli observers, the Jenin camp had, by April 2002, some 200 armed men from the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, Tanzim, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Hamas who operated from the camp. The Government of Israel has charged that, from October 2000 to April 2002, 28 suicide attacks were planned and launched from the Jenin camp.

46. The Government of Israel has published information regarding infrastructure within the Jenin camp for the carrying out of attacks. The Israeli Defence Forces point to their discovery in the camp of arms caches and explosive laboratories and the numbers of Palestinian militants killed or arrested there during Operation Defensive Shield. They cite posters glorifying suicide bombers and documents describing Jenin as a "martyr's capital" reportedly found by Israeli soldiers in the camp during the incursion.

47. The Government of Israel and IDF have acknowledged that their soldiers were unprepared for the level of resistance they encountered in Jenin camp, noting that it was "probably the most bitter and harsh" that they had faced. The IDF soldiers who took part in the operation were, for the most part, reservists who had been mobilized only on or after 17 March. Many were called up only after the Passover bombing in Netanya (27 March).

Israeli Defence Force incursion into Jenin city and refugee camp, 3-18 April 2002

48. Although available first-hand accounts are partial, difficult to authenticate and often anonymous, it is possible, through Government of Israel, Palestinian Authority, United Nations and other international sources, to create a rough chronology of events within the Jenin camp from 3 to 18 April 2002. The fighting lasted approximately 10 days and was characterized by two distinct phases: the first phase began on 3 April and ended on 9 April, while the second phase lasted during 10 and 11 April. Most of the deaths on both sides occurred in the first phase but it would appear that much of the physical damage was done in the second.

49. There are allegations by the Palestinian Authority and human rights organizations that in the conduct of their operations in the refugee camp the Israeli Defence Forces engaged in unlawful killings, the use of human shields, disproportionate use of force, arbitrary arrests and torture and denial of medical treatment and access. IDF soldiers who participated in the Jenin incursion point to breaches of international humanitarian law on the part of Palestinian combatants within the camp, including basing themselves in a densely populated civilian area and the use of children to transport and possibly lay booby traps.

50. In the account of the Government of Israel of the operation, IDF first surrounded and established control of access into and out of the city of Jenin, allowing its inhabitants to depart voluntarily. Approximately 11,000 did so. According to Israeli sources, in their incursion into the camp IDF relied primarily on infantry rather than airpower and artillery in an effort to minimize civilian casualties, but other accounts of the battle suggest that as many as 60 tanks may have been used even in the first days. Interviews with witnesses conducted by human rights organizations suggest that tanks, helicopters and ground troops using small arms predominated in the first two days, after which armoured bulldozers were used to demolish houses and other structures so as to widen alleys in the camp.

51. Using loudspeakers, IDF urged civilians in Arabic to evacuate the camp. Some reports, including of interviews with IDF soldiers, suggest that those warnings were not adequate and were ignored by many residents. Many of the inhabitants of the Jenin camp fled the camp before or at the beginning of the IDF incursion. Others left after 9 April. Estimates vary on how many civilians remained in the camp throughout but there may have been as many as 4,000.

52. As described by the Government of Israel, "a heavy battle took place in Jenin, during which IDF soldiers were forced to fight among booby-trapped houses and bomb fields throughout the camp, which were prepared in advance as a booby-trapped battlefield". The Palestinian Authority acknowledges that "a number of Palestinian fighters resisted the Israeli military assault and were armed only with rifles and … crude explosives". An IDF spokesman offered a slightly different portrayal of the resistance, stating that the soldiers had faced "more than a thousand explosive charges, live explosive charges and some more sophisticated ones, … hundreds of hand grenades … [and] hundreds of gunmen". Human rights reports support the assertions that some buildings had been booby-trapped by the Palestinian combatants.

53. That the Israeli Defence Forces encountered heavy Palestinian resistance is not in question. Nor is the fact that Palestinian militants in the camp, as elsewhere, adopted methods which constitute breaches of international law that have been and continue to be condemned by the United Nations. Clarity and certainty remain elusive, however, on the policy and facts of the IDF response to that resistance. The Government of Israel maintains that IDF "clearly took all possible measures not to hurt civilian life" but were confronted with "armed terrorists who purposely concealed themselves among the civilian population". However, some human rights groups and Palestinian eyewitnesses assert that IDF soldiers did not take all possible measures to avoid hurting civilians, and even used some as human shields.

54. As IDF penetrated the camp, the Palestinian militants reportedly moved further into its centre. The heaviest fighting reportedly occurred between 5 and 9 April, resulting in the largest death tolls on both sides. There are reports that during this period IDF increased missile strikes from helicopters and the use of bulldozers - including their use to demolish homes and allegedly bury beneath them those who refused to surrender - and engaged in "indiscriminate" firing. IDF lost 14 soldiers, 13 in a single engagement on 9 April. IDF incurred no further fatalities in Jenin after 9 April.

55. Press reports from the days in question and subsequent interviews by representatives of non-governmental organizations with camp residents suggest that an average of five Palestinians per day died in the first three days of the incursion and that there was a sharp increase in deaths on 6 April.

56. Fifty-two Palestinian deaths had been confirmed by the hospital in Jenin by the end of May 2002. IDF also place the death toll at approximately 52. A senior Palestinian Authority official alleged in mid-April that some 500 were killed, a figure that has not been substantiated in the light of the evidence that has emerged.

57. It is impossible to determine with precision how many civilians were among the Palestinian dead. The Government of Israel estimated during the incursion that there were "only dozens killed in Jenin … and the vast majority of them bore arms and fired upon [IDF] forces". Israeli officials informed United Nations personnel that they believed that, of the 52 dead, 38 were armed men and 14 were civilians. The Palestinian Authority has acknowledged that combatants were among the dead, and has named some of them, but has placed no precise estimates on the breakdown. Human rights organizations put the civilian toll closer to 20 - Human Rights Watch documented 22 civilians among the 52 dead, while Physicians for Human Rights noted that "children under the age of 15 years, women and men over the age of 50 years accounted for nearly 38 per cent of all reported fatalities".

58. The Israeli Defence Forces stated at the time that their methods might not change, "because the basic assumption is that we are operating in a civilian neighbourhood". Other accounts of the battle suggest that the nature of the military operation in Jenin refugee camp did alter after 9 April 2002. On that day, in what both the Palestinian Authority and the Government of Israel describe as a "well-planned ambush" 13 IDF soldiers were killed and a number of others wounded. A fourteenth soldier died elsewhere in the camp that day, bringing the IDF death toll during the operation in Jenin to 23.

59. Following the ambush, IDF appeared to have shifted tactics from house-to-house searches and destruction of the homes of known militants to wider bombardment with tanks and missiles. IDF also used armoured bulldozers, supported by tanks, to demolish portions of the camp. The Government of Israel maintains that "IDF forces only destroyed structures after calling a number of times for inhabitants to leave buildings, and from which the shooting did not cease". Witness testimonies and human rights investigations allege that the destruction was both disproportionate and indiscriminate, some houses coming under attack from the bulldozers before their inhabitants had the opportunity to evacuate. The Palestinian Authority maintains that IDF "had complete and detailed knowledge of what was happening in the camp through the use of drones and cameras attached to balloons … [and] none of the atrocities committed were unintentional".

60. Human rights and humanitarian organizations have questioned whether this change in tactics was proportionate to the military objective and in accordance with humanitarian and human rights law. The Palestinian Authority account of the battle alleges the use of "helicopter gunships to fire TOW missiles against such a densely populated area … anti-aircraft guns, able to fire 3,000 rounds a minute … scores of tanks and armoured vehicles equipped with machine guns … [and] bulldozers to raze homes and to burrow wide lanes". Other sources point to an extensive use of armoured bulldozers and helicopter gunships on 9 and 10 April, possibly even after the fighting had begun to subside. During this stage, much of the physical damage was done, particularly in the central Hawashin district of the camp, which was effectively levelled. Many civilian dwellings were completely destroyed and many more were severely damaged. Several UNRWA facilities in the camp, including its health centre and sanitation office, were badly damaged.

61. Within two days after 9 April, IDF brought the camp under control and defeated the remaining armed elements. On 11 April, the last Palestinian militants in Jenin camp surrendered to IDF, having requested mediation by B'Tselem, an Israeli human rights organization that operates in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, to ensure that no harm would come to them. According to Palestinian Authority sources, those surrendering included wanted Islamic Jihad and Fatah leaders; others were three injured people and a 13-year-old boy.

Conclusion and aftermath of the IDF incursion, 11 April-7 May 2002

62. As the IDF incursion into Jenin wound down, a range of humanitarian problems arose or worsened for the estimated 4,000 Palestinian civilians remaining in the camp. Primary among these was the prolonged delay in obtaining medical attention for the wounded and sick within the camp. As the fighting began to subside, ambulances and medical personnel were prevented by IDF from reaching the wounded within the camp, despite repeated requests to IDF to facilitate access for ambulances and humanitarian delegates, including those of the United Nations. From 11 to 15 April, United Nations and other humanitarian agencies petitioned and negotiated for access to the camp with IDF and made many attempts to send in convoys, to no avail. At IDF headquarters on 12 April, United Nations officials were told that United Nations humanitarian staff would be given access to the affected population. However, such access did not materialize on the ground, and several more days of negotiations with senior IDF officials and personnel of the Israeli Ministry of Defence did not produce the necessary access despite assurances to the contrary. On 18 April, senior United Nations officials criticized Israel for its handling of humanitarian access in the aftermath of the battle and, in particular, its refusal to facilitate full and safe access to the affected populations in violation of its obligations under international humanitarian law.

63. UNRWA mounted a large operation to deliver food and medical supplies to needy refugees who had fled the camp and to Jenin hospital but was not allowed to enter the camp. The humanitarian crisis was exacerbated by the fact that, on the first day of the offensive, electricity in both the city and the camp were cut by IDF. Electric power was not restored until 21 April.

64. Many of the reports of human rights groups contain accounts of wounded civilians waiting days to reach medical assistance, and being refused medical treatment by IDF soldiers. In some cases, people died as a result of these delays. In addition to those wounded in the fighting, there were civilian inhabitants of the camp and the city who endured medication shortages and delays in medical treatment for pre-existing conditions. For example, it was reported on 4 April that there were 28 kidney patients in Jenin who could not reach the hospital for dialysis treatment.

65. The functioning of Jenin Hospital, just outside the camp, appears to have been severely undermined by IDF actions, despite IDF statements that "nothing was done to the hospital". The hospital's supplies of power, water, oxygen and blood were badly affected by the fighting and consequent cuts in services. On 4 April, IDF ordered the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) to stop its operations and sealed off the hospital. Hospital staff contend that shells and gunfire severely damaged equipment on the top floor and that at least two patients died because of damage to the oxygen supplies. None of the Palestinians within the hospital was permitted to leave until 15 April.

66. It appears that, in addition to the denial of aid, IDF in some instances targeted medical personnel. Before the Jenin incursion, on 4 March, the head of the PRCS Emergency Medical Service in Jenin was killed by a shell fired from an Israeli tank while he was travelling in a clearly marked ambulance. On 7 March, a staff member of UNRWA was killed when several bullets were fired by Israeli soldiers at an UNRWA ambulance in which he was riding near Tulkarm in the West Bank. On 3 April, a uniformed Palestinian nurse was reportedly shot by IDF soldiers within Jenin camp and on 8 April an UNRWA ambulance was fired upon as it tried to reach a wounded man in Jenin.

67. The Government of Israel repeatedly charged that medical vehicles were used to transport terrorists and that medical premises were used to provide shelter. This, according to Israel, necessitated the strict restrictions on humanitarian access. Furthermore, in the specific case of Jenin camp, IDF spokesmen attributed denials of access to the clearance of booby traps after the fighting had subsided. The IDF spokesman also maintained that the "Palestinians actually refused our offers to assist them with humanitarian aid" and that "everyone who needed help, got help". There is a consensus among humanitarian personnel who were present on the ground that the delays endangered the lives of many wounded and ill within. United Nations and other humanitarian personnel offered to comply fully with IDF security checks on entering and leaving the camp, but were not able to enter the camp on this basis. Furthermore, United Nations staff reported that IDF had granted some Israeli journalists escorted access to the camp on 14 April, before humanitarian personnel were allowed in. United Nations personnel requested similar escorted access to assess the humanitarian condition of people in the camp, but were unsuccessful, despite assurances from senior IDF officials that such access would be possible.

68. On 15 April, 12 days after the start of the military operation, IDF granted humanitarian agencies access to the Jenin refugee camp. The Palestine Red Crescent Society and the International Committee of the Red Cross were permitted to enter the camp under military escort but reported that their movement was strictly confined to certain areas and further constrained by the presence of large quantities of unexploded ordnance including booby traps. After evacuating only seven bodies, they aborted their efforts. A United Nations team including two trucks with water and supplies was forbidden from unloading its supplies and was also forced to withdraw. Supplies were distributed to the camp inhabitants only beginning the following day, 16 April. Acute food and water shortages were evident and humanitarian personnel began calls for specialized search-and-rescue efforts to extract the wounded and the dead from the rubble.

69. Once IDF granted full access to the camp on 15 April, unexploded ordnance impeded the safe operations of humanitarian personnel. Non-United Nations humanitarian agencies reported that large amounts of unexploded ordnance, explosives laid by Palestinian combatants as well as IDF ordnance, slowed their work. Negotiations carried out by United Nations and international agencies with IDF to allow appropriate equipment and personnel into the camp to remove the unexploded ordnance continued for several weeks, during which time at least two Palestinians were accidentally killed in explosions.

G. Recent events in other Palestinian cities

70. Brief descriptions of recent events in Ramallah, Bethlehem and Nablus follow.

Ramallah

71. Ramallah was the first city occupied by the Israeli Defence Forces in Operation Defensive Shield. IDF entered on 29 March and withdrew from most of Ramallah on 20 April and the remaining sections of the city on 30 April. While many of the features of the incursion were common to incursions in other cities - a curfew, the severing of telephone, water and electricity services to most of the city, the prevention of the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and detentions - the status of Ramallah as the administrative centre for the Palestinian Authority appeared to be a factor in the actions of IDF.

72. The Government of Israel avers that Ramallah has played a central role in terrorist attacks against Israeli civilians because of the presence there of the headquarters of a number of Palestinian security forces (the National Security Force, Preventive Security, Civil Police and Force-17) and the cooperation between those security forces and militant groups. According to IDF, militant groups both collaborate with the security forces and enjoy their protection. The Government of Israel contends that Fatah, which is headquartered in Ramallah and shares personnel with Palestinian Authority security forces, is a terrorist organization. It asserts that the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine also uses Ramallah as its base of operation and that Hamas uses Ramallah as a "relay station" for suicide attacks. The Palestinian Authority denies any involvement of its security forces in terrorist attacks.

73. During the course of the military operation in Ramallah, Palestinian Authority civil institutions suffered extensive damage. Reports of human rights monitoring groups contend that those institutions were specifically ta

Piotr Rubik-Please dont go

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 27 Nov 2009 19:48:51 EST

Piotr Rubik-Please dont go

Poland 2009 Ks. Bartnik ( in polish )

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 27 Nov 2009 18:34:38 EST

Poland 2009 Ks. Bartnik ( in polish )

;aw S. Bartnik (2009-09-20)Inna audycja
s 2;uchaj
zapiszŚwiat popad 2; w g 2;ęboki kryzys nie tylko gospodarczy, ale i duchowo-moralny. Przede wszystkim gubi swoją tożsamość i ucieka we wszystkich dziedzinach od przesz 2;ości. To jakby psychoza lękowa po utracie sta 2;ego gruntu religijnego. Jest ona bardzo wieloobjawowa. Tutaj będą poruszone tylko pewne symptomy uciekania części polityków i inteligencji od Polski, zw 2;aszcza religijnej.

Antypolonizm od zewnątrz
Daje się u nas zauważyć coraz większy lęk przed różnymi atakami s 2;ownymi i rzeczowymi ze strony Rosjan, Niemców, Ukrai 4;ców, Litwinów, Żydów, a nawet Amerykanów. Polska klasyczna ma coś w sobie, za co ją wszyscy 2;atwo krytykują i atakują, zrzucając zarazem wszelkie winy z siebie. A nasze czynniki, zw 2;aszcza z PO i SLD, chcą w odpowiedzi iść na daleki kompromis i dystansować się od przesz 2;ości i bardzo cieniować klasyczną polskość.
Rosja i Niemcy już w roku 1922 porozumiewa 2;y się w sprawie obalenia traktatu wersalskiego, który ustanowi 2; pa 4;stwo polskie. Uważa 2;y, że Polska powsta 2;a na ich ziemiach i w konsekwencji w roku 1939 dokona 2;y IV rozbioru Polski. I Niemcy, i Rosjanie zapoczątkowali ludobójstwo Polaków na różne sposoby, Stalin już od roku 1937 na rosyjskich terenach. 70 lat po wybuchu wojny, kiedy pamięć o niej bardzo się już zatar 2;a, próbują w perfidny sposób zrzucić niemal ca 2;ą odpowiedzialność za wojnę i jej okropie 4;stwa w 2;aśnie na Polskę, na jej rzekomą megalomanię, wrogość, wojowniczość i prowokacyjny mesjanizm katolicki. Przy tym niemal ca 2;kowicie wybielają siebie. Jest to, oczywiście, diaboliczne. Dziś Polska musi dążyć z ca 2;ych si 2; i wielkodusznie do jak najlepszego u 2;ożenia swoich stosunków z oboma tymi pa 4;stwami, jednak nie za cenę utraty swej tożsamości, godności i bez przyjmowania oszustw i bredni propagandowych za prawdę. Wszakże zadanie dobrej wspó 2;pracy będzie bardzo ciężkie, gdyż polityka tych pa 4;stw nadal nie kieruje się w pe 2;ni zasadami moralnymi.
Litwini mają ciągle uraz unijny do nas. Często uważają, że unia Polski z Litwą zahamowa 2;a ich rozwój i przynios 2;a dominację Polakom, mimo że faktycznie unia uratowa 2;a Litwę przed Krzyżakami, Moskwą i Szwecją. Stąd do dziś mniejszość polska na Litwie nie może uzyskać odpowiednich praw, ugody między rządem polskim i litewskim pozostają w większości na papierze, zawziętą niechęć do Polaków wspierają nawet liczni katoliccy duchowni litewscy. Jest zgo 2;a groteskowe, że niektórzy ich historycy uważają, iż zwycięstwo pod Grunwaldem osiągnę 2;y ich wojska. Stąd na 600-lecie bitwy pod Grunwaldem w roku przysz 2;ym Litwini zapraszają już wszystkich swoich sąsiadów, tylko nie Polaków, mimo że król polski W 2;adys 2;aw Jagie 2; 2;o by 2; Litwinem. Zresztą i u nas z wiedzą historyczną jest tragicznie, jeden z maturzystów w tym roku by 2; pewny, że pod Grunwaldem walczy 2;... Boles 2;aw Chrobry, czyli Waleczny.
Z kolei Ukraina, pozostająca ca 2;e wieki pod panowaniem Tatarów, Litwinów, Polaków i Rosjan, ma traumę braku w 2;asnej narodowości i pa 4;stwowości. Toteż na początku XX w. nastąpi 2;a potężna erupcja nacjonalizmu i wrogości wobec sąsiadów, jednak Ukrai 4;cy na ogó 2; czują się bliżsi Rosji niż Polsce, choć po Unii Lubelskiej w 1569 r. prosili o przy 2;ączenie do Korony, bo mieli więcej wolności niż pod Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim. Ale u czynników przywódczych ukszta 2;towa 2;a się potworna mentalność azjatycka. Już w XVII wieku, w czasie buntów ch 2;opskich, Kozacy g 2;osili, że Polacy są najokrutniejszym narodem, że palą i mordują ca 2;e wsie ukrai 4;skie, że np. dzieci ch 2;opów ukrai 4;skich gotują w kot 2;ach na oczach ich matek. Rosja ich znacznie wyciszy 2;a. Ale po wkroczeniu Niemców na tzw. Zachodniej Ukrainie wybuch 2;a niespotykana nienawiść do Polaków, dochodząca aż do potwornego ludobójstwa Polaków na Wo 2;yniu i we wschodniej Ma 2;opolsce. Ale co znaczy skorupa mentalna. Wielu intelektualistów, z którymi rozmawia 2;em, utrzymuje, że dziś należą się im ziemie polskie po San i Wieprz, że nie oni mordowali Polaków, tylko partyzantka sowiecka, a wreszcie, że to Armia Krajowa pali 2;a wsie ukrai 4;skie, spokojne i niewinne. Dlatego przywódcy OUN i UPA są największymi bohaterami narodowymi i najwspanialszymi ludźmi. Niektórzy Polacy powiadają, że prezydent Wiktor Juszczenko powinien potępić ludobójstwo na Wo 2;yniu i przeprosić Polskę w imieniu narodu ukrai 4;skiego. Otóż nie rozumieją oni, że prezydent następnego dnia zosta 2;by przez wiodące czynniki usunięty. Trzeba rozumieć, co znaczy wypaczona mentalność spo 2;eczna, jaka wystąpi 2;a też np. u hitlerowców, Sowietów i innych. A jeszcze dodam, że pewien uczony Ukrainiec mówi 2; do mnie, że pod Grunwaldem to oni pobili Krzyżaków, a rycerstwo polskie śpiewa 2;o ukrai 4;ski hymn o Bogurodzicy. Co znaczy mentalność! Na Zachodzie nawet czynniki kościelne niczego nie rozumieją o Wschodzie. Oczywiście, musimy rozwijać jakieś zbratanie się, ale musimy pamiętać, że mentalność zmienić się może dopiero za dziesiątki lat, a może i później. Dowodem na to jest wiekowa nienawiść grekokatolików do 2;acinników, choć jedni i drudzy są katolikami.
Popsu 2;y się też nasze stosunki z Ameryką, choć politycy PO wiwatują. Obawiamy się, że lobby żydowskie, które ma istotny wp 2;yw na politykę ameryka 4;ską, wzię 2;o sobie Polskę na kie 2; z powodu niezap 2;acenia kontrybucji za mienie żydowskie, zniszczone przez Niemców, Rosjan i Żydów komunistycznych. Mimo że Ameryka by 2;a dla nas idolem, że daliśmy jej wielu zas 2;użonych ludzi, że wspieramy ich w nieszczęsnej wojnie irackiej i afga 4;skiej, to jednak w sumie polityka ameryka 4;ska sta 2;a się dla nas nieżyczliwa: zostaliśmy wyrugowani w kontraktach gospodarczych z Irakiem, zostaliśmy pokrzywdzeni w offsecie za samoloty F-16, w USA ciągle się pisze o "polskich obozach koncentracyjnych", jako jedyni z UE nie otrzymaliśmy ruchu bezwizowego, choć Amerykanie przyjeżdżają do nas bez wiz, są produkowane ciągle różne filmy antypolskie, przygotowuje się nam stronniczego ambasadora, delegacja na 70-lecie napaści Niemiec na Polskę i początek II wojny światowej by 2;a dosyć lekceważąca nas. Do tego wszystkiego dochodzi jeszcze szereg posunięć antykatolickich, jak np. w sprawie zezwolenia na aborcję tuż przed narodzeniem i na eksperymenty na embrionach ludzkich. Wprawdzie niektórzy nasi naiwni politycy mówią, że to tylko "deszczyk pada", jednak trzeba to wszystko otwarcie Ameryce wy 2;ożyć.

Wewnętrzna deprecjacja polskości
"Zapanowa 2;a - pisze s 2;usznie Temida Stankiewicz-Podhorecka - jakaś dzika moda na deprecjonowanie wszystkiego, co jest nasycone polskością, polskim duchem narodowym, a więc niszczenie naszego najlepszego dorobku w dziedzinie kultury, najwybitniejszych polskich twórców, pisarzy, kompozytorów i co znamienne, dotyczy to tylko tych, których dzie 2;a są promocją polskości i wartości moralnych" ("Nasz Dziennik", 9.09.2009 r.). Dotyczy to w 2;aśnie Henryka Sienkiewicza, Juliusza S 2;owackiego, Fryderyka Chopina i innych. Bożyszczami natomiast stają się totalni krytykanci polskości, jak Witold Gombrowicz. A wybitniejsze postacie duchownych XX wieku przedstawia się jako antysemitów: św. Maksymiliana Marię Kolbego, ks. kard. Adama Sapiehę, Prymasa Stefana Wyszy 4;skiego i innych. I tak ca 2;a nasza obecna kultura nie jest w polskiej gestii ani w polskich rękach.
PO, SLD, częściowo PSL i niektóre inne ugrupowania g 2;oszą, że są za suwerennością Polski, a jednocześnie szaleją za traktatem lizbo 4;skim, który nam taką suwerenność odbiera. Trzeba zatem mocno poprzeć apel "Naszej Polski": "Rząd PO swoją polityką spo 2;eczną i gospodarczą chce doprowadzić do likwidacji naszej suwerenności. Czas powiedzieć: 'Dość'" ("Nasza Polska", 11.08.2009 r.).
Istotnie zatrważające jest to, co pisa 2; peowski minister spraw zagranicznych w związku z uroczystościami na Westerplatte: że II Rzeczpospolitą Polską zgubi 2;y "jagiello 4;skie ambicje mocarstwowe". To co? Mieliśmy się poddawać Niemcom czy Rosji, że teraz PO tworzy "nowoczesne pa 4;stwo narodowe, nie etniczne, lecz obywatelskie" - jakiś nowy rodzaj narodu: "obywatelski"; że ca 2;y sens Polski to "integracja z UE" i wreszcie, że nie należy "wk 2;adać korony cierniowej", co trzeba chyba rozumieć tak, żebyśmy się nie robili cierpiętnikami, bo wszyscy nasi wrogowie i nam niechętni, także Niemcy, Rosja i Ameryka, mają swoje racje ("Gazeta Wyborcza", 29-30.08.2009 r.)? I tak rozumuje polski minister?
Jeszcze gorzej. Na uroczystościach 15 sierpnia, w Święto Wojska Polskiego i uratowania naszej niepodleg 2;ości, nie by 2;o premiera, marsza 2;ka Sejmu, ministra spraw wewnętrznych, ministra spraw zagranicznych, szefa policji, podobno się obrazili, że prezydent odmówi 2; nominacji generalskich jednemu czy drugiemu d 2;ugoletniemu zomowcowi. To jest nowy patriotyzm; wszyscy ważniejsi zomowcy winni dostać ordery Polonia Restituta. Niestety, taka deprecjacja polskości rozla 2;a się szeroko. Oto 15 sierpnia korespondent TV zapyta 2; pewną panią, dlaczego wzię 2;a ze sobą dzieci na uroczystość. "Niech dzieci pobędą trochę na powietrzu" - pad 2;a odpowiedź. Chyba celowo taką wypowiedź wyemitowano.
Są ciągle pozosta 2;ości po PRL. Kiedy, jak wiemy, pewien minister oskarży 2; w Sejmie premiera o agenturę na rzecz Rosji, to prokuratura w 2002 r. oskarży 2;a ministra o "wyjawienie tajemnicy pa 4;stwowej". Nie oskarży 2;a o nieprawdę, lecz o z 2;amanie tajemnicy pa 4;stwowej, tak jakby ów cz 2;owiek by 2; naszym agentem przeciwko Rosji. Proces niedawno się zako 4;czy 2;.
Nie wiadomo, jak t 2;umaczyć sta 2;e os 2;abianie wszystkich formacji armii. Dziś - przepraszam za porównanie - gdyby np. napad 2;o na nas takie pa 4;stwo jako Kosowo, to już "moglibyśmy się" bronić ca 2;y tydzie 4;.
PO zmierza wyraźnie do zlikwidowania Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej broniącego Polski, a przynajmniej chce obezw 2;adnić jego prezesa. I nie ściga się, a nawet często się wspiera, z 2;ych ludzi z przesz 2;ości i bagatelizuje się zbrodnie na Narodzie Polskim bolszewików, Niemców, naszych w 2;adz bezpiecze 4;stwa i różnych przestępców politycznych. Co więcej, coraz częściej zaczyna się im na nowo oddawać cześć przez nazwy ulic, pomniki, patronaty.
Odchodzi się coraz dalej od polskości. I dzieje się coraz gorzej w rządzie, wojsku, sądach, prokuraturach, szko 2;ach, gospodarce, w kszta 2;towaniu stosunków międzynarodowych, w kulturze i sztuce. W 2;adze nie mają idei Polski, jej programu, profilu ca 2;ościowego. W 2;adza robi się dosyć arogancka, nieodpowiedzialna, k 2;amliwa, no jakby spętana przez jakieś uk 2;ady, grupy baronów partyjnych, agentów, rekinów gospodarczych. W 2;adza robi wrażenie, jakby sta 2;a pod inną jakąś w 2;adzą. Szok z tą powszechną prywatyzacją. Ma nie być niczego pa 4;stwowego: szpitale, szko 2;y, zasoby ziemi i podziemi, koleje, energetyka, autostrady, poczta, komunikacja lokacyjna itd. - wszystko ma być prywatne. Wobec tej utopii liberalistycznej trzeba by sprywatyzować partie, parlament, no i ca 2;y rząd. Tylko czy by się znalaz 2; odpowiednio hojny inwestor strategiczny?
Jak pamiętamy, 19 września 2008 r. Trybuna 2; Konstytucyjny uzna 2;, że ustawa o obronie dobrego imienia przed mediami jest niekonstytucyjna, bo narusza wolność s 2;owa. A tymczasem dziwne jest związanie w mediach filosemityzmu z antypolonizmem. Kiedy bronimy polskości, to zarzuca się ipso facto antysemityzm. Antysemityzm we w 2;aściwym znaczeniu jest grzechem, ale nie możemy się zgodzić, że antypolonizm jest cnotą, i że jeśli ktoś czuje się Polakiem, to ciężko grzeszy, że w imię prawdziwej mi 2;ości do Żydów, naszych braci, trzeba jednocześnie poniewierać Polską. Oczywiście, takie myślenie przynosi wielkie szkody w 2;aśnie światu żydowskiemu.
TVN wyemitowa 2;a program, w którym by 2;o w 2;ożenie polskiej flagi w atrapę psich odchodów. W procesie nadawca wygra 2;. Sąd postępowy orzek 2;, że nie by 2;o to znieważenie polskiej flagi, bo nadawca "nie chcia 2; jej znieważyć". Podobne są wyroki w sprawach obrazy uczuć religijnych od 1993 roku. Po prostu wed 2;ug tej "nowoczesnej" logiki chcący znieważać nie chce znieważać, tylko reklamuje swoje dzie 2;o. W ten sposób Polacy muszą myśleć po europejsku.
Wracają znów ciężkie problemy wsi polskiej, w przeciwie 4;stwie do Zachodu. UE wspiera w pewnych drobiazgach, ale w perspektywie globalnej niszczy wieś przez t 2;amszenie jej gospodarki ogólnej. S 2;usznie przemawia 2; ks. bp Jan Styrna, że nasze w 2;adze winny chronić nasze rolnictwo przed pseudorynkiem. Polscy rolnicy są dyskryminowani w Europie i potężne koncerny zachodnie niszczą nasze rolnictwo w ca 2;ości, ale szczególnie ogrodnictwo, sadownictwo, mleczarstwo, hodowlę i przetwórstwo. Na ch 2;opach żerują też bardzo nasi pośrednicy: nieraz produkt bywa 10 razy ta 4;szy u producenta niż w sklepie. I ciągle ceny uzyskiwane przez producenta są niższe od kosztów produkcji. W sumie więcej importujemy żywności, niż eksportujemy. Podobnie rząd nie broni przed zalewem żywności po cenach dumpingowych, np. z Chin. Ministerstwo rolnictwa każe ch 2;opom bronić się samym. Niby mają pójść z kosami na Chiny? Chyba raczej na ministerstwo.
Do tego dochodzi jeszcze niechęć do wsi, a nawet pogarda. Polityka PSL jest asekuracyjna i s 2;aba. W rezultacie jest to też przejaw antypolonizmu, bo wieś jest nadal grzybnią Narodu.
Wydaje się, że w 2;adze liberalne robią tak świadomie. Przyk 2;adem tego może być także skok na SKOK-i (Spó 2;dzielcze Kasy Oszczędnościowo-Kredytowe), chyba dlatego, że bazują na polskim kapitale i nawiązują do tradycji polskiej, której libera 2;owie się wstydzą, sądząc, że sami już stworzyli nowy świat. Różnych decyzji w 2;adz centralnych należy się naprawdę bać, bo bywają nieraz dziwnie wyskokowe, jak np. w przyjęciu idiotycznej decyzji UE, żeby żarówki wymienić w ca 2;ości na świetlówki. Przy tym sprzeczność to dla nich "motor rozwoju": znoszą termometry, bo "mają rtęć", a wprowadzają na rynek na ogromną skalę żarówki w 2;aśnie z rtęcią.
Bardzo szkodliwa jest zmiana języka z komunikacyjnego na podstępny. Nowi ideologowie mówią niby językiem polskim, ale wk 2;adają we 4; treści ideologii liberalnej. I tak np. demokracja oznacza już ukrytą walkę o w 2;asną korzyść; wolność oznacza swobodę dorabiania się na wszelkie sposoby i uwolnienie się od zewnętrznych norm etycznych; prawda - zgodność rzeczy z w 2;asnym poglądem; sprawiedliwość - zrealizowanie w 2;asnych postulatów; męstwo - rzucenie się w wir życia; cnota - zgodność z poprawnością polityczną; religia to nie wiązanie się cz 2;owieka z Bogiem, lecz egzystencjalna psychoza lękowa. Wszystko to zak 2;ada koncepcję cz 2;owieka jako "zwierzęcia wolnego, zdrowego i bogatego - animal liberum, sanum et dives". Takie zmiany semantyczne rodzą ogromne zamieszanie i zamęt komunikacyjny. Dotyczy to spraw bardzo konkretnych. Oto pewna sędzina nie po 2;apa 2;a się w tej dwuznaczności semantycznej i skaza 2;a pewną biedną kobietę na 15 tys. z 2; grzywny za to, że ta nazwa 2;a swego sąsiada "peda 2;em". Nie zauważy 2;a, że dziś jest to epitet pozytywny, wręcz pieszczotliwy, negatywny i ubliżający by 2;by natomiast epitet: "ty homofobie" czy "ty heteroseksualisto". Co do semantyki specjalnej, to trzeba jeszcze pamiętać, że my w innym znaczeniu używamy s 2;owa "holokaust", a Żydzi w innym. Dla Żydów "holokaust" (szoah) to tylko mordowanie Żydów jako Żydów, choćby w niezbyt wielkiej liczbie, natomiast nie może być określone s 2;owem "holokaust" mordowanie innych, choćby wielkimi milionami. Toteż holokaustem nie są ani Katy 4;, ani ukrai 4;skie rzezie na Polakach, ani g 2;odzenie na śmierć milionów Ukrai 4;ców przez Stalina, ani straszne mordy Turków na Ormianach, ani żadna niemiecka eksterminacja Polaków, ani mordowanie nienarodzonych. Stąd np. protesty nawet przeciwko prezydentowi, kiedy ten nazwa 2; zbrodnię katy 4;ską holokaustem.

Depolonizacja przez antykatolicyzm
Depolonizacja dokonuje się też przez atakowanie Kościo 2;a katolickiego, do którego należy chyba ponad 90 proc. Polaków. Dzia 2;ania depolonizacyjne widzimy doskonale od lat w atakach niektórych partii i innych czynników oficjalnych na Kośció 2; polski. Rozwój życia katolickiego, jak np. przez Rodzinę Radia Maryja w pielgrzymowaniach na Jasną Górę, doprowadza wrogów polskości do wściek 2;ości. Po tej też myśli bardzo pochwalono ks. abp. Alfonsa Nossola za to, że nie chcia 2; być kiedyś wyświęcony na biskupa na Jasnej Górze.
Elementy antykatolicyzmu przewijają się w naszej wierchuszce ciągle. Nawet krytyka ziemskiej strony Kościo 2;a, skądinąd potrzebna, przeradza się - zw 2;aszcza u apostatów - w próbę niszczenia Kościo 2;a. Obecnie szczególnie PO i SLD nie dostrzegają Kościo 2;a polskiego. Na przyk 2;ad ostatnio w wykazie uniwersytetów polskich Ministerstwo Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego nie umieści 2;o Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego Jana Paw 2;a II, nie dlatego, żeby nie by 2; uniwersytetem, lecz zapewne dlatego, że jest katolicki. Ale g 2;ównie rozwija się atak na katolickie rozumienie ma 2;że 4;stwa, rodziny i etyki seksualnej.
Przejmowana jest za liberalizmem starożytna idea plato 4;ska, że dzieci winny być "produkowane" i wychowywane poza rodziną. Dziwne, że nawet inteligencja tego nie dostrzega. Oto przyk 2;ad: sąd odbiera ojcu jego dziecko, argumentując, że ojciec jest zapracowany i nie ma czasu zajmować się dzieckiem - jeśli taki wyrok jest poprawny, to trzeba by pozbawić praw rodzicielskich wszystkich sędziów, cz 2;onków rządu, parlamentarzystów, polityków, uczonych, biznesmenów, ponieważ jako rodzice są zbyt zajęci i zapracowani, żeby mogli wychowywać swoje dzieci. Innym razem sąd odbiera dziecko rodzicom, bo są biedni i mają jeszcze inne dzieci. Jakie znowu tutaj kryje się "genialne" za 2;ożenie? Ano, że dzieci nie mogą mieć ludzie ubodzy i że nie wolno posiadać więcej dzieci niż dwoje, niemal jak w Chinach. Żeby mieć dzieci, trzeba być bogatym, tymczasem ludzie bogaci w 2;aśnie nie chcą mieć dzieci, bo naruszają one ich wygodny i luksusowy styl życia.
Ostatnio szaleje antykatolicyzm na punkcie zap 2;adniania in vitro. Przypadki niep 2;odności zdarza 2;y się zawsze, ale dziś stają się one coraz częstsze w antybiologicznej cywilizacji technicznej. U nas co siódme ma 2;że 4;stwo nie może mieć dzieci. W Polsce pierwszy raz zastosowa 2; zap 2;odnienie in vitro (w probówce) prof. Marian Szamatowicz z Bia 2;egostoku w roku 1987. Obecnie dokonuje się in vitro w kraju od 5 do 7 tys. rocznie. Nie ma regulacji prawnych. Wielu ludzi, także niestety katolików, chce poszerzać ten proceder, i to z pieniędzy podatników, bo jest bardzo kosztowny. Etyka naturalna i Kośció 2; sprzeciwiają się metodzie in vitro z powodów zasadniczych: zabiegi tego rodzaju 2;amią strukturę ma 2;że 4;stwa i rodziny, w 2;ączane są osoby trzecie oraz towarzyszy im zabijanie embrionów, co następuje w procedurze implantacji oraz zamrażania. Zwolennicy tej metody, niekatoliccy, mówią, że samo ma 2;że 4;stwo jest tylko tworem światopoglądowym, nie rozumieją też, że zamrożenie embrionów oznacza ich zabicie.
Ze strony ludzi rozumnych i etycznych szuka się wyjścia nie tylko przez tradycyjne leczenie lub adopcję, ale ostatnio także przez metodę naprotechnologii (Natural Procreative Technology), którą zapoczątkowa 2; dr Thomas W. Hilgers z Instytutu Papieskiego w Omaha w USA. Metoda ta 2;ączy edukację w zakresie odpowiedzialnego rodzicielstwa z ca 2;ym procesem leczenia z niep 2;odności kobiet i mężczyzn przez technologię medyczną. Metoda ta w ostatnich miesiącach przysz 2;a i do Polski. W dniach 12-13 września w 2009 r. odby 2;a się międzynarodowa konferencja poświęcona naprotechnologii, zorganizowana na Uniwersytecie Medycznym w Lublinie przez dr. Macieja Barczentewicza, pod patronatem prof. Jana Oleszczuka. Ksiądz arcybiskup prof. dr hab. Józef Życi 4;ski podaje, że stosowanie in vitro jest skuteczne tylko w ok. 26-30 proc. i daje często ciąże mnogie, natomiast leczenie niep 2;odności metodą naprotechnologii jest skuteczne w blisko 44-50 procentach. Doktor Thomas W. Hilgers mówi, że swoją metodą leczy także te kobiety, u których in vitro się nie uda 2;o, jemu udaje się je wyleczyć w blisko 80 procentach. Jednakże trzeba stwierdzić ze smutkiem, że metoda naukowa, lecznicza i ca 2;kowicie moralna napotyka na wielki opór zagorza 2;ych zwolenników in vitro, którzy tej metody nie znają. I tutaj dochodzi do g 2;osu na szeroką skalę brak zmys 2;u katolickiego.
Polskość jest dziś zagrożona z wielu stron i przez wiele czynników, choć g 2;ównie przez postkomunizm, liberalizm i ateizm. W rezultacie stoimy wobec wielkiej groźby doprowadzenia ca 2;ej Polski do g 2;ębokiego upadku, nie bez winy rządu, który na nasze nieszczęście żyje ideologią liberalną, dokonuje finlandyzacji naszej polityki, nie posiada w 2;aściwego zmys 2;u polskości i wierzy w nową utopię, jak choćby w przypadku mitycznego, katarskiego inwestora stoczni. Najgroźniejsze jest niecenienie suwerenności, choćby w ubóstwianiu traktatu lizbo 4;skiego zmierzającego do ustanowienia jednego stricte pa 4;stwa europejskiego. Już ordynacja wyborcza do Parlamentu Europejskiego (DzU nr 25, poz. 219; za K. Bar 2;owskim) stanowi, że deputowani (po wyborach) stają się w Parlamencie Europejskim przedstawicielami określonych frakcji politycznych, a nie reprezentantami Polski. Toteż na zako 4;czenie chcia 2;oby się pos 2;użyć s 2;owami Cycerona przeciwko Katylinie, ubiegającemu się w Rzymie w roku 63 przed Chrystusem o najwyższą w 2;adzę konsula, także si 2;ą i propagandą, obiecującemu zniesienie d 2;ugów i szukającemu poparcia poza granicami kraju: "Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra?" - Dokądże wreszcie będziesz nadużywa 2;, Katylino, naszej cierpliwości?
Ks. prof. Czes 2;aw S. Bartnik

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A PHILOSOPHICAL CALL TO RENEW AMERICAN CULTURE:
The Homeschool Renaissance
by Peter A. Redpath, Ph.D.

Dr. Redpath is a Full Professor of Philosophy at St. John's University; has received numerous awards and honors for his work in philosophy; was appointed to the Board of Trustees of the Institute for Advanced Philosophical Research in 1988; has made over 70 public program appearances on philosophical topics; has authored numerous books, monographs, and published articles; and has edited two philosophy books. He is a member of the Board of Editors of Editions Rodopi. Dr. Redpath is a Director of The Great Books Academy and Chairman of The Angelicum Academy.

Today, nationally and globally, America is at a crossroad. We face daunting educational and political problems. No social order born of a common conviction in the truth and goodness of its principles can long survive when it cannot rationally justify this conviction. At this historical moment, a critical meltdown is occurring in American educational and political institutions because, increasingly, the general American population and our institutional leaders cannot rationally justify the truth and goodness of the principles upon which our American educational and political institutions depend for their survival and health.

During the twentieth century, totalitarian political systems externally threatened the American democratic concept. In the face of these systems, America generally defended itself through a combination of physical force, free market competition, pragmatic arguments about the superiority of the American way of life, and the moral conviction of the American people about the just nature of their cause and the goodness of their society. At this time in our history, while we still have external enemies, America faces another, more pernicious, internal threat, that we cannot defeat through physical force, the free market, or pragmatic slogans about the superiority of the American way of life: the inability rationally to justify the truth and moral goodness of American society.

Educationally, sophistry reigns supreme in America today. Since 1983, millions of Americans have reached high school senior year without learning the basics of reading, mathematics, and U.S. history. Millions of teenagers have dropped out of high school.1 Today, an average student, even at better American colleges and universities, cannot think abstractly or read a difficult book without individual proctor-ing.2 Many faculty members are illiterate, and, especially in the social sciences, cannot explain the nature of their subject matter, the method their discipline uses, the origin of their principles, or what makes their principles scientific. The State arbitrarily undermines parental authority in favor of "enlightened" social causes. Our public schools cannot teach the philosophical and moral principles that sustain the authority of our political institutions. These schools are crime-ridden. We have reached a point in public education where we cannot agree on curricula, especially in areas of history, ethics, and politics. We are graduating increasing numbers of illiterate students, often warehoused for years by incompetent teachers. Yet our most successful politicians tend to graduate from, and send their children to, private schools.

In politics, we increasingly remove moral principles and truth from the domain of public life. Irrationally and sophistically, we identify the sphere of public life with the secular realm, and justice with the domain of the Machiavellian will-of-the-stronger. Often we judge deceit, selfishness, and subordination of the common good in order to win political office, as hallmarks of wisdom.

States come into being through, are the creation of, other mediating institutions, like families, churches, synagogues, schools, private businesses, and so on. Collections of individuals do not found States as collective wills to which we become serfs. Through representatives, people, as social beings (with skills and factional interests), and as moral agents (with natural rights and duties), and members of communities, establish States as limited, mediating agencies, through which we self-govern ourselves in pursuit of our common good: the more perfect union we achieve through political peace and justice.

The notion of limited government did not begin with modernity or the European Enlightenment. Moses adhered to this principle in his dealings with Pharaoh. The ancient Greeks recognized this principle in their articulation of the four cardinal moral virtues: prudence, justice, temperance, and courage. And St. Thomas Aquinas, referring to St. Augustine, explicitly appeals to this principle in his treatment of the variety of human law in Question 91 of I-II of his Summa Theologiae. 3

Principally and primarily, the State is a peace officer, not a parent, nurturer, clothier, guardian, educator, nor chief economist.

The proper subject of State governance is human freedom. States exist because human freedom exists. States exist to regulate human freedom within the bounds of justice and State competence in order to promote the common good of civic peace and friendship. States exist principally and primarily to regulate human freedom in relation to human exchanges, to maintain peace and order within these exchanges. They do not exist principally and primarily to establish and operate schools, or to run motels, real estate agencies, businesses, hospitals,or restaurants. 4

States come into being because we hu-man beings have a natural desire, and a moral obligation, to pursue our own happiness through exercise of our choices. To pursue our happiness, we must exercise our freedom. To exercise freedom, we need conducive circumstances. The State exists principally and primarily as a peace officer to facilitate the circumstances under which we can justly exercise our political freedom. 5

Freedom is proper to man's nature. In our actions, we have a moral right to exercise our freedom virtuously relative to our personal welfare, and a political right to exercise it justly relative to the common good.

The principal right to reward people for virtue and punish them for vice lies with God, not individual human beings, or the State. Hence, in our dealings with others, we have to be cautious not to overstep the bounds of our moral authority. God has the moral authority to command and reward all acts of virtue and to punish all vice. Individual human beings do not. God's moral authority prohibits all human evils. Individual moral authority only extends to communities over which individuals can exercise competent judgment and influence. For human beings, the domain of any moral authority is always the sphere of the humanly possible relative to some human good. No one, including States or God, has a right to command the impossible, which is what States do when they overextend their authority.

As parents, we cannot outlaw all wrongdoing by our children, and we cannot justly command of them impossible acts of virtue. As human beings, children have a right to exercise their freedom within the bounds of justice and household peace. When they overstep these bounds parents have a moral right to punish them.

Similarly, in the political domain, private morality is the dimension of human freedom related to the pursuit of personal welfare, inasmuch as this has no detrimental impact on civic peace and friendship. From a political perspective, in our private lives, we have a moral jurisdiction that allows us to be as intemperate, cowardly, foolish, and unjust as we please in our dealings with others, until our actions start to undermine civic peace and friendship. The domain of public morality, from which we derive our public moral principles, should not be merely the dimension of secular behavior � the arena of a public secular religion, where only secular reason has a right to speak and where truth is measured by an "enlightened" intellectual elite and governmental bureaucrats. 6

While many people derive their moral principles from religion, others do not. Many people, such as atheists and agnostics, derive their moral principles from personal experience at living, from tradition, or from philosophy. Other people derive their moral principles from revelation. To demand that such people adopt a secular religion before they can enter political debate that involves a common good to which they contribute and common threats by which they are endangered violates human and Constitutional rights to freedom for religion and speech.

Essentially, morality has two domains: our duties toward other people and our duties toward God. Religion is a moral obligation we have toward God. As such, it presupposes, it does not essentially generate, moral principles. God, not religion, is the source of moral principles. God imbeds these principles in human nature, in the voice of conscience, and freely gives this voice to theists, atheists, and agnostics. Religion arises as a reaction in some people to the voice of conscience. The voice of conscience does not arise as an act of religion.

To claim that religion, not God, is essentially the source of morality is a major fallacy of the Enlightenment. It implies that atheists and agnostics are essentially devoid of conscience, are not moral agents, an assertion contradicted by much historical experience. Submission of conscience to the rule of justice imbedded in human inclinations authorizes citizens to have a public voice. This rule of justice relative to the common good, not submission to a secular religion, generates the authority of civil law. The rule of justice relative to the common good, not submission to a secular religion, is the standard of political tolerance. To demand that our right to participate in public moral discourse rests upon adoption of a secular religion and its secularized rules of tolerance violates natural human rights, the American Constitution, and American pluralism.

Public morality is the domain of freedom involving personal exchanges that impact on the common good of civic peace and friendship: the domain of civic justice and public safety. As soon as a human action enters this arena, it passes from morally private to morally public jurisdiction, the arena of public safety regulable by just, not unlimited, tolerance. In this arena, all citizens have a right to a public voice. In this domain, moral responsibility and irresponsibility impact on all citizens regardless of religious or non-religious affiliation. In this arena, the domain of justice and freedom, where human actions impact upon our common good and threaten us with common dangers:

(1) all human beings, by natural possession of a conscience, are competent judges and have a natural right to speak; and,

(2) justice, relative to the common good, establishes the limits of tolerance. Here, the voice of conscience, philosophy, personal experience, and religious traditions all have something to contribute.

Philosophy and the Common Good

For several decades, through increasing identification of the State with the Body Politic, and sophistic appeal to the secularly religious grounds of the State's public morality, we have steadily diminished parental authority over the education of children and decreased the public voice of ordinary citizens, religious leaders, and classical philosophers in political debates that affect our common good and public welfare. The net result of this effort has been an increasing erosion of American educational and political institutions.

Like every constitutional political order, American society came into being through a conventional agreement made by representatives of political factions to unite in the pursuit of a common political good, a more perfect political union. The American government did not create this political vision of the common good. The government's existence presupposed, and arose from, this common goal articulated in the Constitution. The American government exists to preserve, protect, and defend this common good and the principles that sustain it.

The American vision of the common good is historically rooted in Western philosophical and theological convictions about human nature and destiny that the American founders considered to be self-evident. Without familiarity with these convictions, we cannot grasp the nature or meaning of our political institutions and political lives.

We become like strangers wandering amidst foreign and unfamiliar surroundings. We erroneously start to believe that our own self-definition grounds our freedom and political principles.

Central to the Western vision of the common good is a philosophical conviction about the fundamental rationality and dignity of human nature and the theological conviction that human life is guided by a providential creator. The major ancient Greek philosophers never deviated in their judgment that our universe is an intelligible order inhabited by a gradation of beings, each with its own non-relative identity, culminating in human nature, a social animal endowed with the faculty to reason.

The ancient Greek philosophers thought we were born with the natural ability to survey the physical world around us and to extract from our everyday observations of the behavior of physical things the rules whereby we develop our arts, sciences, morals, law, and politics. For these philosophers, inclinations in this organic faculty of reason, whereby we moderate our use of freedom in pursuit of our own welfare and act with reasonable tolerance toward others, constitute the voice of reason - conscience - the locus of the universal moral principles that determine moral normalcy. They thought that to ignore, or to behave contrary to, reason's dictates was vicious, made us less human and more beastly, and eventually led to our emotional, intellectual, and social corruption.7

Medieval Jewish, Muslim, and Christian thinkers inherited and preserved the Greek philosophical view of nature, the arts, and sciences, and built around them our Western cultural, educational, theological, legal, and political traditions. For several centuries, but especially within the past several decades, the ancient Greek understanding of philosophy and human nature has decreased in some of these traditions. Wherever this has occurred, disaster has resulted. Philosophy is the only rational knowledge by which we can judge the principles of demonstration in our arts and sciences, evaluate the worth of our knowledge, identify and evaluate our criteria of truth, distinguish sound from unsound arguments, and unify our sciences into an order of higher learning. And philosophical reflection upon the behavior of human beings, understood as rational animals, is the only means we have to establish a rationally justified ethics and a concept of the person that can sustain democratic government.

Democratic government presupposes a specific vision of the common human good. And our concept of a common human good necessarily contains our concept of human nature. Democratic government is a type of government naturally best suited for achieving the common good of rational animals, not of irrational animals or angels. Totalitarianism suits beasts. Theocracy befits angels.

At present, we Americans find ourselves in a state of educational and political decay because we have lost our understanding of the nature of classical philosophy and the essential role it plays in integrating all our branches of knowledge, our cultural and political institutions, in justifying our common vision of our common political good, and rationally articulating the jurisdictional lines of private and public morality. Having lost our understanding of the nature of this subject, we can no longer find rational arguments to justify and sustain our different educational and religious institutions and the principles that sustain us in our common convictions about our common good. The existence of these institutions essentially depends upon, and can only be rationally justified by, philosophical arguments that presuppose that we are rational animals. Having lost this conviction, we have lost our ability to think philosophically. Thus, we can no longer rationally justify American culture.

Transmission of the principles that justify a culture's vision of the common good is the work of theologians and philosophers. American culture is theologically pluralistic. For this reason alone, it can never theologically justify a unified vision of the democratic common good to its own people, much less to people of different theological traditions who would attack America externally.

Since its inception, America has attempted to use a lowest common biblical tradition as a kind of public philosophy to justify the intellectual and moral norms that sustain our common democratic vision. Given the common Judeo-Christian and European tradition of previous generations of Americans, rhetorical appeal to such a common theological tradition was possible to sustain our way of life. Growing American pluralism and secularization no longer make this possible. Having weakened our

theological traditions, we largely only have sophistry, empty slogans, to justify our cultural, educational, and political institutions. No democracy can rationally sustain itself on sophistic principles. For this reason, our schools have lost their ability to teach, our universities are gradually being transformed into propaganda institutes, and our politicians increasingly think that words mean whatever they want them to mean.

Philosophy is not a lowest common theology, a secular religion from which we get our public morality, or any specific system or body of knowledge. It is a method of rational investigation that involves use of sense observation, abstract conceptualization, and logical reasoning, a natural mode of higher level inquiry employed by human beings, rational animals. This understanding of human nature and philosophy is common to our Western theological traditions and to ordinary human beings in all parts of the world. And it was the general understanding that prevailed in the West when universities first arose during the Middle Ages.

Some Immediate Steps to Take

Universities are the main source from which America draws its institutional leaders. If America's universities are intellectually and morally weak, American institutions will not long remain intellectually and morally strong. America's universities are intellectually and morally weak. Hence, American institutions cannot long remain intellectually and morally strong.

Currently, philosophy is required at perhaps, no more than twenty-five percent of American colleges and univer sities. Even at those schools that require philosophy, what passes for philosophy is often sophistry, having little resemblance to the mode of abstract reasoning that the ancient Greeks considered to be natural to rational animals. The decline of classical philosophy at our universities helps explain the widespread inability of contemporary American college students to think abstractly, reason logically, maintain their attention span, distinguish sound from fallacious arguments, and read difficult books.

A morally vicious and intellectually gullible citizenry cannot sustain democratic government. Loss of our ability to reason well corrupts our democratic institutions, places them in the hands of sophists, and makes us dupes to the persuasive force of ideological slogans and sound bites. We cannot turn to contemporary social scientists, psychologists, political and cultural theorists, literary critics, or contemporary philosophers to remedy our current educational, cultural, and political problems. Generally, their theories are the sophistry that lie at the source of our decay. To seek help from them resembles asking incendiaries to fight a forest fire.8

To renew our nation, we must renew our institutions. To renew our institutions, we must renew our universities. To renew our universities, we need a renaissance of classical philosophical and theological education, from the ground up as well as from the top down. The huge and growing "homeschooling" movement presents an opportunity to initiate this classical philosophical and theological educational renaissance, starting in the elementary and secondary levels and then reaching into the colleges and universities.

Homeschoolers heavily favor those colleges where classical philosophical and theological education still exists (for example, the student body of Thomas Aquinas College is now about 30% homeschooled). These colleges, especially those with a component of traditional theology, are rapidly expanding. Homeschooling is increasing at a rate of approximately 15% per year. Already, competition for these students is exerting tremendous pressure on college administrations to hire faculty and alter their curricula in that direction. This trend will doubtlessly increase.

Many universities, which previously shunned homeschoolers, now actively recruit them. New colleges geared toward homeschoolers and their traditional and classical yearnings are already on the drawing boards (for example, Patrick Henry College, The Great Books University College, Yorktown University). We need to encourage this trend.

Western culture and theological traditions inherited their philosophical principles from the ancient Greek conviction that the world is intelligible to unaided natural reason and that the highest form of human education lies in becoming an independent learner. The Delphic oracle's prescription to "know thyself" captures the motivating principle behind the ancient Greek pursuit of philosophy. As Socrates well understood, principally and primarily, all learning is self-teaching.

To become highly educated, we must facilitate this self-teaching through apprenticeship with great discoverers (of being, truth, unity, goodness, and beauty) and tutoring from masters of the liberal arts of learning: those people who can challenge us to develop the discipline whereby we can acquire the principles for reading great books. In this way, we can enter into conversation with the great discoverers, most of whom are long dead. Hopefully, through life-long conversation with these great intellects, we can ourselves become independent learners and great discoverers, and can pass on to posterity the principles that sustain our culture, those discovered and taught by the great discoverers and teachers of the past and set down in their great books, including Scriptural texts.

Unhappily, public, and most private, education in the United States today inverts the classical order of learning. Our public and private educational systems have lost the Greek understanding that the first and most essential teacher is the student, next comes the great discoverer, and last comes the classroom teacher, whose main task should be to help students learn the liberal art of reading difficult classic books. It should not be to masquerade as a great discoverer oneself. As Mortimer J. Adler is fond of saying, "A classroom teacher is only a better student."

Homeschooling, as most homeschooled students soon discover, is, after the first few years of coaching in the liberal arts (which are best taught one-on-one � hence at home), very largely self-teaching. If we equate self-teaching with the current practical expression of that concept, homeschooling, we can see that the ancient Greeks well understood what our culture is being forced to concede reluctantly: all learning is essentially self-teaching. The superior academic performance of homeschoolers, now widely known and admitted, provides objective evidence of this fact. We best encourage and support self-teaching by preparing students for, and guiding them to, the classic works of the great discoverers, at home, close to the loving arms of parents, who are more likely to be able to give them the one-to-one tutoring attention that professional educators constantly tell us is essential to maximizing student achievement.

Genuine higher education (in the sense of developing the higher intellectual virtues such as understanding and wisdom, and not just the memory) begins when we start to take control over our self-teaching, when we no longer need an auxiliary teacher's help to discover the principles by which to learn. Contemporary public and private educational systems largely invert and undermine this classical view of learning and higher education. While they often give lip-service to developing independent learners, and one-to-one tutoring, the educational practices they employ actually do the opposite: cripple the ability of students to think abstractly and become self-teachers.

Our educational institutions have largely abolished the Socratic method of using discussions and disputations among student-learners to encourage abstract thinking and deepen understanding of difficult and lofty concepts, traditionally called the "Great Ideas." Thus, secondary educational institutions neglect the one area that might be especially helpful to us for promoting abstract thought, higher education, and independent learning. More than any other institutions, our contemporary public and private educational systems sustain and propagate the sophistic educational mindset that has undermined the Greek educational vision that, for centuries, has supported Western culture and our democratic republic. To overturn this mindset, we must restore the classical view that learning is chiefly accomplished by homeschooling (that is, self-teaching) with the help of the great discoverers.

At this juncture in American history, homeschooling (especially classical homeschooling, leading to the study of Western civilization's great books), and efforts to develop ways to support the secondary liberal education of homeschoolers (including the organization of Socratic discussion groups) is one of our best hopes to halt our culture's decline. These homeschoolers now stream into our universities. Soon they will flood them. In my opinion, this is the irrepressible wave of the future. This Homeschool Renaissance may well be the West's last, large-scale, educational reform movement, and so our nation's best practical hope to halt what others have called this twilight of civilization from fading into another Dark Age of ignorance and chaos.

Notes, Redpath

1. "A Nation at Risk," in Policy Review, 90 (July/August 1998) 23-24.
2. Mortimer J. Adler noted this problem as far back as 1940. See Mortimer J. Adler, How to Read a Book: The Art of Getting a Liberal Education, New York: Simon and Schuster, Inc., 1940) 11.
3. Peter A. Redpath, "What's Wrong with Government Schools?", in Social Justice Review 89 (November/December, 1998) no. 11-12, 164. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, I-II, q. 91, a.4, respondeo. See, also, Plato, Republic, Bk. 1, 334C-354B, and Gorgias, 491D-500D.
4. Redpath, "What's Wrong with Government Schools?", 164.
5. Ibid.
6. Peter A. Redpath, "Private Morality and Public Enforcement," in Curtis L. Hancock and Anthony O. Simon, eds., Freedom, Virtue, and the Common Good (Notre Dame, Ind.: American Maritain Association, distributed by University of Notre Dame Press, 1995) pgs. 332-341.
7. Etienne Gilson, The Unity of Philosophical Experience (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1965) 272-293. Peter A. Redpath, "The New World Disorder: A Crisis of Philosophical Identity," in Contemporary Philosophy, 16 (November/December 1994) no. 6, 19-24.
8. Peter A. Redpath, "Dirty Dancing: Higher Education as Enlightened Swindling," in Peter A. Redpath, Masquerade of the Dream Walkers: Prophetic Theology from the Cartesians to Hegel (Amsterdam andAtlanta: Editions Rodopi, B.V., 1998). I thank Curtis L. Hancock for calling my attention to this simile.

Wold Bank in Washington and Africa and the World

Lech Alex Bajan — Sat, 21 Nov 2009 11:44:41 EST

Wold Bank in Washington and Africa and the World

Story of IRAQ Money and Corporations

Lech Alex Bajan — Sat, 21 Nov 2009 11:06:12 EST

Story of IRAQ Money and Corporations

Sabaton 40-1 720 Polish fought for 3 days against 42 000 German soldiers and their support.

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 20 Nov 2009 13:45:11 EST

Sabaton 40-1 720 Polish fought for 3 days against 42 000 German soldiers and their support.

Videoclip for 40-1,Sabaton's song.It is about Battle of Wizna.In September 1939 German XIX Armeekorps(42 000 soldiers) was approaching to Warsaw.720 Polish soldiers commanded by captain W 2;adys 2;aw Raginis have stood on his way.They were protecting strategic bridge on the river Narew.This battle is called Polish Thermophyles.720 Polish fought for 3 days against 42 000 German soldiers and their support.
VULGAR COMMENTS WILL BE DELETED!!!

Donald Trump Does Not Like Bush

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 20 Nov 2009 13:35:13 EST

Donald Trump Does Not Like Bush

Voytek Soldier Bear archive film Dedication of a statue to the memory of Wojtek the Polish soldier Bear

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 20 Nov 2009 12:51:48 EST

Voytek Soldier Bear archive film Wojtek Niedźwiedź Żo 2;nierz Dedication of a statue to the memory of Wojtek the Polish soldier Bear

Wojtek with officers

Awaiting embarkation on the MS Batory (Polish merchant ship) at Alexandria, Egypt. Transporting the polish army to Taranto Italy.

Boarding the MS Batory, Alexandria

Wojtek with Stanislaw Krol

318 Mobile canteen Company Polish womens Army (PWAS). The X marks Irena Swiertok-Sawka who supplied this photo. In the foreground is Wojtek with Peter Prendys. Palestine October 1943 (click picture for larger view)

Dedication of a statue to the memory of Wojtek the Polish soldier Bear, this is a mermorial to the Polish and Scottish soldiers who fought and died together, let us remember them.

Niedźwiedź - Żo 2;nierz - film archiwalny ) Gladiators Of World War 2 - Free Polish Forces

Wojtek (ur. w 1941 w pobliżu Hamadan w Iranie, zm. w grudniu 1963 w Edynburgu)- syryjski niedźwiedź brunatny adoptowany przez żo 2;nierzy 22 Kompanii Zaopatrywania Artylerii w 2 Korpusie Polskim dowodzonym przez gen. Andersa. Niedźwiedź bra 2; udzia 2; w bitwie pod Monte Cassino, gdzie wed 2;ug opowieści nosi 2; skrzynie z amunicją.

Wojtek(1942-1963) usually spelt Voytek in Britain, was a Syrian Brown Bear cub adopted by soldiers of the 22 Kompania Zaopatrywania Artylerii ('2nd. Artillery Supply Company') of the Polish II Corps. During the Battle of Monte Cassino, Wojtek helped to move ammunition.

'Soldier Bear' was adopted in the Middle East by Polish troops in 1943 - IRAN

Lech Alex Bajan — Fri, 20 Nov 2009 07:30:07 EST

'Soldier Bear' was adopted in the Middle East by Polish troops in 1943 - IRAN